
Class. 
Book. 



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CURIOUS ADVENTURFS % 




PETER WILOAMStfSTr 






pnOA' AR?TRT 



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3MHI& a a ip is 

AND 

CURIOUS ADVENTURES 

OF 

PETER WILLIAMSON, 

WHO WAS CARRIED OFF FROM ABERDEEN, AND SOLD 
FOR A SLAVE. 



CONTAINING 



The History of the Author's sur- 
prising Adventures in North 
America. 

His Captivity among the Indians, 
and the manner of his fescape. 



The Customs, Dress, &c. of the 

Savages. 
MilitaryOperations in that quarter- 
A Description of the British Set- 

tlemehis, &c. 



WITH 

An Account of the Proceedings of the Magistrates of Aberdeen against 
him on his Return to Scotland ; a Brief History of his Process 
against them before the Court of Session ; and a short Dissertation 
on Kidnapping. 

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED AN 

ESSAY ON THE ILLEGALITY OF KIDNAPPING 
AND THE SLAVE TRADE. 



A NEW EDITION. 



ABERDEEN : 

PRINTED FOR THE BOOKSELLERS 
1826. 












Aberdeen : Printed by K. Cobban £ Co. 



ESSAY. 



"Ie who reads the life of Peter Williamson will 
:nd it fraught with much useful instruction. The 
auguage in which it is narrated is a sufficient proof 
hat its author was no designing man, who intend- 
ed to impose on the credulity of the vulgar, and 
satiate their appetite for the marvellous, by the ac- 
count of his sufferings. Were not the facts suffi- 
ciently vouched for, we would almost suppose that, 
.vhile reading his hair-breadth escapes, we were 
perusing some tale of romance, or the fanciful pro- 
duction of some ingenious novelist. But the tale 
is too true ; the crime of kidnapping made more 
sufferers than Williamson, and Aberdeen was not 
the only place disgraced by this horrible traffic. It 
is useless — it is worse than useless — it is absolutely 
criminal to argue, that children of nine or ten 
years of age were able to indent themselves, and to 
implement articles of agreement which were never 
meant to be fulfilled — nay, where personal liberty 
is concerned, even although the person had arrived 
at the years of maturity, it is aright which he could 



neither give nor sell : in corroboration of this I 
shall adduce the opinion of the celebrated Rousseau, 
in his treaty on the Social Compact, he thus writes, 
" To renounce one's personal liberty is to renounce 
one's very being as a man : it is to renounce not 
only the rights but also the duties of humanity. 
And what possible indemnification can be made to 
the man who thus gives up his ail ? Such a remu- 
neration is incompatible with our very nature : for 
to deprive us of the liberty of will, is to take away 
ail morality from our actions. In a word, a con- 
vention which, on the one part stipulates absolute 
authority, and on the other implicit obedience, is 
in itself futile and contradictory/ ' Such then is a 
just view of those indentures for life, which were 
held out by the kidnappers as just and lawful. But 
here let us observe, that their crime assumes a 
blacker die when we take into consideration the 
circumstance that these indentures were never pro- 
posed until they had actual possession of the bodies 
of their victims ; it matters not how this possession 
was obtained, whether by cajoling artifices, or ab- 
solute violence, they were in durance, and no op- 
position would have availed, nor would resistance 
have frustrated the designs of their enslavers. 
When the prisoners were landed in Virginia on Ca- 
rolina, they discovered their true situation : driven 
like beasts of burden to a market place, they were 
exposed for sale, and given accordingly to the 
highest bidder, let his character or principles be 
what they may. Think, reader, for a moment, 



that your brother, the companion of your sports, 
the friend of your heart, one night disappeared and 
was seen no more — that the grief and sorrow of 
your parents were bringing them fast to the grave ; 
and that, though years might roll, they brought no 
tidings of their lost child ; and that their last prayers 
were breathed for the ever-lost boy. And this was 
many a brother's— many a parent's lot. Or did 
chance, at some long future period, bring the 
doubtful intelligence that he was alive on some far 
distant shore — a mother's heart would yearn, and a 
father's grief would be in vain supprest — they would 
mourn for the living as the dead— to them he would 
be dead ; and, dreading, doubting, hoping, they 
would die, with the sad, yet consoling anticipation, 
that a few years after and they would embrace their 
child in that happy land where oppressors could no 
more part them, but where ;; God the Lord would 
wipe ail tears from their eyes.'' One thought more 
on this subject, those who were kidnapped were 
persons who, having felt the blessings of liberty, 
would therefore be more susceptible of the horrors 
of slavery; they were fit for the enjoyment of a 
state of liberty by education and by birth, and the 
awful novelty of being slaves would therefore pre- 
sent itself to their view in its most aggravated form. 
All their high hopes would be crushed, all their 
youthful day-dreams would vanish as airy phantoms, 
and the cruel reality of their hopeless situation 
would mock ail their fancied prospects of future 
worldly bliss. Well may we congratulate ourselves 



that these days hare gone bye, and that no oppres- 
sor, however rich and powerful, can devote us at 

the ALTAR of SLAVERY. 

It would be well if we could say as much of every 
class of subjects. There is a race whose only crime 
is their complexion, and whose only vice is their 
want of education — a want which their iron -hearted 
oppressors will not allow to be supplied — and this 
race is liable to tenfold greater calamities than did 
ever befal our infatuate fellow-citizens of Aberdeen, 
even when the practice of kidnapping was carried 
on in its most villainous extent. The slaves in the 
West Indies — for it is to them we allude — are the 
objects of the sympathy of Christendom. Already 
have the most of its states declared the crime of 
man-stealing to be piracy, and therefore punishable 
with death ; but still the nefarious traffic is pursued, 
and in spite of the vigilance evinced by our cruizers, 
thousands are dragged from their homes to wear 
out a listless life of dreary solitude. In vain are 
laws enacted when interest and prejudice so strongly 
warp the minds of the planters, that justice and 
morality are excluded, and rapine and oppression 
necessarily domineer in their breasts. It has been 
often argued that the slaves in the West Indies are 
not the victims of oppression, that they are well 
treated, and, in many cases, that they live more 
comfortably than our artisans do at home. This 
has been particularly insisted on by Williams, in 
his History of Twenty Years'' Residence in Jamaica, 
a work lately published. But the honour of huma- 
nity has not been vindicated by this work, publish- 



eel, as it seems to have been, to serve the interests 
of the planters, when the united experience of good 
men has hitherto controverted this point ; and grant- 
ing that it were the case that the slaves were well 
treated, what does it bear against the general argu- 
ment ? Nothing at all ; for it will not matter whe- 
ther the chain with which he is fettered be made of 
iron or of gold, it is equally strong. The wretch 
who is secured with a silken cord is as much a pri- 
soner as he who is bound with hemp. But the dawn 
of brighter days is at hand, and the march of Free- 
dom will, it is to be hoped, soon overtake our hap- 
less brother-men. To return to the life of William- 
son, one additional circumstance maybe mentioned, 
which is not recorded in the book ; namely, that the 
Magistrates of Aberdeen once intended to appeal to 
the House of Lords. The Earl of Findlater, who 
was then patron of the city, justly thought that the 
magistrates had been to blame in prosecuting Wil- 
liamson for having committed the crime of telling 
the truth ; and knowing well that to carry the pro- 
cess farther would be but to promulgate their own 
disgrace, the process was abandoned ; while, to 
lighten the expenses which had devolved upon them, 
he, as Juclge-Admiral, conferred upon the magi- 
strates the salvages arising from such vessels as 
might be thrown ashore or wrecked near Aberdeen * 
It is to be hoped that all who shall peruse this vo- 
lume, while they sympathize with the sufferer, 
will, at the same time, think on the many thousand 
sufferers in the West Indies, and use their humble 
endeavour, in as far as they can, to lighten the load 
which their black brothers are doomed to endure. 



CONTENTS. 



I. — FRENCH AND INDIAN CRUELTY. 

The Author's birth, and manner of his heing kidnap- 
ped at Aberdeen 9 
He arrives at the coast of America, and is shipwreck- 
ed at Cape May, - - - JO 
Sold at Philadelphia to a planter, - - 11 
Description of the city of Philadelphia, - - ib. 
His marriage, and settlement in a plantation - 14 
His house burnt by the Indians ; and, - - 15 
Himself carried oil by them, - - - 16 
The cruel treatment he suffered while among the Sa- 
vages, - - - - - 17 
The shocking massacre of Joseph Snider and his fa- 
mily, - - - - 19 
Other instances of the barbarity of the Indians - 21 
Descriptions of their dress and disposicions - 20 
The author meditates his escape \ and - - 32 
Accomplishes it, at the risk of his life - - S3 
His manner of travelling and concealing himself 34 
His arrival at the house of John Bell, who takes him 

for an Indian, and threatens to shoot him - 35 
Kind reception among his wife's friends - - 36 

Examination before Governor Morris - - ib. 

Enters a volunteer in Shirley's regiment - - 38 

His arrival at Boston, and a description of it - 39 
Joseph Long, Esq. with his house and servants burnt 

by the Indians - - - - 41 

His son and daughter carried off by them - ib, 

James Crawford, Esq. his expedition for the rescue 

of Miss Long - - - - 42 

Fifty of the savages killed and scalped - - ib. 



10 

The deplorable condition in which Miss Long was 

found - - - -43 

The young lady's account of the massacre of her bro- 
ther - - - 45 
Miss Long married to her deliverer - - ib. 
March of the forces for Oswego - 46 
Account of the different nations of the Indians - 47 
Their education, manners, religion, &c. - 48 
Preparations for defending Oswego - 50 
The author's danger in a batteau among the cataracts 51 
General Braddock's defeat, and misconduct in that 

expedition - - - 57 

Arrival of 3000 French in Canada - - 59 

Description of New York - - - ib. 

French incursions, and devastations of the savages 60 
Many instances of their diabolical cruelty - 61 

Scarcoyada's speech to the assembly - - 63 

The author goes on an expedition against the Indians 65 
Defence against the savages in Kennorton-head 

church - - - 66 

Push through the Indians, and retire with loss - ib. 
Reinforced by Gen. Franklin from Philadelphia 67 

Further outrages by the savages, in which George 

Hunter, Esq. and sixteen of his family are burnt 68 
Col. Armstrong's expedition against them - 71 

Capt. Jacobs, chief of the Delewares, and squaw kil- 

ed - - ib. 

Lieut. Hogg's bravery - ib. 

The author wounded at the Great Carrying-place 73 
Skirmish with a body of Indians near Oswego - 74 
An Irishman scalped when drunk, yet recovered 75 

The French discovered coming to attack Oswego 76 
Trenches opened before Fort Ontario - - 77 

The fort abandoned by the English - - 78 

Preparations to attack the Old Fort - 79 

The brave Col. Mercer killed - - 83 

Surrender of the fort and garrison, with the articles 84 
Cruelty of the Indians on that occasion - - 85 

The English conducted by Montreal to Quebec - 86 
Bad consequences of the loss of Oswego - - 88 

A full account of the Indians, their manner of Jiving, 
fighting, kc. - - - -80 



11 

Advantage of the English in maintaining friendship 

with them - - - 91 

Their complaints against the fraudulent dealings of 

the traders - - - 94 

Methods suggested for removing these complaints 97 

n , — ACCOUNT OF THE BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH 
AMERICA. 

Description of New England, its soil, produce, trade, 

&c. - 98 

of New York, &c. - - 99 

of Pennsylvania, &c. - 100 

of Maryland, &c. - 102 

of Virginia, &c. - _ - 103 

of Carolina, &c. - - 104 

of Nova Scotia, &c. - 105 

of Canada, &c. - - ib. 

The embarkation at Quebec for England - 106 

III. — A DISCOURSE ON KIDNAPPING. 

The author's arrival at Aberdeen in quest of his re- 
lations - - 108 
Prosecution of the Magistrates against him 109 
His books seized and burnt by the hangman ib. 
Put in confinement till he subscribed a recantation ib. 
The Magistrates judge in their own complaint 110 
Improbability that they could be ignorant of the 

practise of Kidnapping - - ib. 

Proof of that practice by a cloud of witnesses 111 
Deposition of Alexander King - - ib. 

of John Wilson - - 112 

of Francis Fraser, Esq. - ib. 

of Robert Reid - - 113 

of Isabel Wilson - - 114 

of Margaret Reid - - ib. 

of George Johnston - 115 

of Alexander Grigerson - 117 

of Margaret Ross ~ - 118 

of William Jamieson - 120 

of George Leslie - - 128 



12 

Deposition of Christian Finlater - - in, 

of Robert Brand - - 124 

of George Mackie - - in. 

of James Rattray - - 12J 

of George Garioch - - 127 

of Alexander Gordon - 129 

of Alexander Gray - - ib. 

of Helen Law - - ib. 

of James Robertson - - 132 

of James Smith - - 133 

of Walter Cochran - - 134 

of William Gibson - - 135 

of John Dickson - - ib. 

Wickedness of the practice of Kidnapping exposed 139 

Queries concerning the lawfulness of it - 140 
Account of the various stratagems used to inveigle 

children - - - 141 

The manner of disposing of them abroad - 142 

The usage they receive from the planters - 143 
Bad character of those who voluntarily indent 

themselves - - - 144 
Advantages which artificers, &c. may reap in set- 
tling there - - - l4o 

IV. — HISTORY Or THE PROCESS BETWEEN THE AUTHOR 
AND MAGISTRATES OF ABERDEEN. 

Institution and authority of Magistrates - J4.5 

Irregularity of their proceedings - 14G 

The author applies for redress - 147 

Interlocutor of the Court of Session - 14S 

Letter from two of the Bailies of Aberdeen - 149 
Happiness of a country where law and justice prevail 152 

Design of publishing this narrative - 153 

Particular description of the Indian Tomahawk 1.54 



FRENCH AND INDIAN CRUELTY, 
INTRODUCTION. 

The reader is not here to expect a large and use- 
less detail of the transactions of late years, in that 
part of the world where, ever since my infancy, it 
has been niy misfortune to have lived. Was it in 
my power, indeed, to set off with pompous diction, 
and embellish with artificial descriptions, what has 
so engrossed the attention of Europe, as well as the 
scenes of action for some years past, perhaps I 
might ; but my poor pen being wholly unfit for such 
a task, and never otherwise employed than just for 
my own affairs and amusement, while I had the 
pleasure of living tranquil and undisiurbed, I must 
beg leave to desist from such an attempt ; and if 
such is expected from me, claim the indulgence 
of that pardon which is never refused to those 
incapacitated of performing what may be desired of 
them. And as a plain, impartial, and succinct 
narrative of my own life, and various vicissitudes 
of fortune, is all that I now shall aim at, I shall 
herein confine myself to plain simple truth, and, in 
the dictates, resulting from an honest heart, give the 
reader no other entertainment than what shall be 
matter of fact ; and of such things as have actually 
happened to me, or come to my own knowledge in 
the sphere of life in which it has been my lot to be 
placed. Not but I hope I may be allowed now and 
then, to carry on my narrative from the informa- 
tion I have received of such things as relate to my 
A 



8 

design, though they have not been done or trans- 
acted in my presence. 

It being usual in narratives like this, to give a 
short account of the Author's birth, education, and 
juvenile exploits, the same being looked upon as 
necessary, or at least a satisfactory piece of infor- 
mation to the curious and inquisitive reader ; I shall, 
without boasting of a family I am no way entitled 
to, or recounting adventures in my youth to which 
I was entirely a stranger, in a short manner gratify 
such curiosity ; not expecting, as I said before, to 
be admired for that elegance of style, and profusion 
of words, so universally made use of in details and 
histories of those adventurers who have of late 
years obliged the world with their anecdotes and 
memoirs, and which have had scarce any other ex- 
istence than in the brains of a bookseller's or prin- 
ter's Garreteer ; who, from fewer incidents, and 
less surprising matter, than will be found in this 
short narrative, have been, and are daily enabled 
to spin and work out their elaborate performances 
to three or four volumes. That I, like them, pub- 
lish this for support, is true ; but as 1 am too sen- 
sible, the major part of mankind will give much 
more to a bookseller, to be in the fashion, or satis- 
fy their curiosity, in having or reading a new puffed 
up history or novel, than to a real object of distress, 
for an accurate and faithful account of a series of 
misfortunes, I have thought it more advisable to 
confine myself as to size and price, than by making 
a larger volume, miss that assistance and relief, of 
which I at present am in so great need. 



THE AUTHOR'S BIRTH, &c. 

Know, therefore, that I was born in Hirnlay, in 
the parish of Aboyne, and county of Aberdeen, 
North Britain, if not of rich, yet of reputable pa- 
rents, who supported me in the best manner they 
could, as long as they had the happiness of having 
me under their inspection : but fatally for me, and 
to their great grief, as it afterwards proved, I was 
sent to live with an aunt at Aberdeen ; when, un- 
der the years of pupillarity, playing on the quay, 
with others of my companions, being of a stout ro- 
bust constitution, I was taken notice of by two fel- 
lows belonging to a vessel in the harbour, employed 
(as the trade then was) by some of the worthy mer- 
chants in the town, in that villainous and execrable 
practice called Kidnapping ; that is 5 stealing young 
children from their parents, and selling them as 
slaves in the Plantations abroad. Being marked 
out by those monsters of impiety as their prey, I 
was cajoled on board the ship by them, where I 
was no sooner got. than they conducted me between 
the decks to some others they had kidnapped in 
the same manner. At that time, I had no sense of 
the fate that was destined for me, and spent the 
time in childish amusements with my fellow suffer- 
ers in the steerage, being never suffered to go upon 
deck whilst the vessel lay in the harbour, which 
was until such a time as they had got in their load- 
ing, with a complement of unhappy youths for car- 
rying on their wicked commerce. 

In about a month's time the ship set sail for Ame- 
rica. The treatment we met with, and the trifling 
incidents which happened during the voyage, I hope 
I may be excused from relating, as not being at 
that time of an age sufficient to remark any thing 



10 

more than what must occur to every oue on such 
an occasion. However, I cannot forget that, when 
we arrived on the coast we were destined for, a hard 
gale of wind sprung up from the S. E. and, to the 
captain's great surprise (he not thinking he was 
near land), although having been 11 weeks on the 
passage, about twelve o'clock at night the ship 
struck on a sand-hank off Cape May, near the Capes 
of Delaware, and to* the great terror and affright of 
the ship's company, in a short time was almost full 
of water. The boat was then hoisted out, into 
which the captain, and his fellow villains, the crew, 
got with some difficulty, leaving me, and my de- 
luded companions, to perish ; as they then naturally 
concluded inevitable death to be our fate. Often, 
in my distresses and miseries since, have I wished 
that such had been the consequence, when in a state 
of innocence! but Providence thought proper to 
reserve me for future trials of its goodness. Thus 
abandoned and deserted, without the least prospect 
of relief, but threatened every moment with death, 
did these villains leave us. The cries, the shrieks, 
and tears of a parcel of infants, had no effect on, 
or caused the least remorse in the breasts of these 
merciless wretches. Scarce can I say, to which to 
^ive the preference ; whether to such as these who 
have had the opportunity of knowing the Christian 
religion : or to the savages herein after described, 
who profane not the gospel, or boast of humanity ; 
and if they act in a more brutal and butcherly man- 
ner, yet it is to their enemies, for the sake of plun- 
der and the rewards offered them, for their princi- 
ples are alike ; the love of sordid gain being both 
their motives. — The ship being on a sand bank, 
which did not give way to let her deeper, we lay in 
the same deplorable condition until morning, when, 
though we saw the land of Cape May, at about a 
mile's distance, we knew not what would be our 
fate. 



11 

The wind at length abated, and the captain (un- 
willing to lose all her cargo), about ten o'clock, 
sent some of his crew in a boat to the ship's side to 
bring us on shore, where we lay in a sort of a camp, 
made of the sails of the vessel, and such other tilings 
as we could get. The provisions lasted us until we 
were taken in by a vessel bound to Philadelphia, 
lying on this island, as well as 1 can recollect, near 
three weeks. Very little of the cargo was saved 
undamaged, and the vessel entirely lost. 

When arrived and landed at Philadelphia, the 
capital of Pennsylvania, the captain had soon peo- 
ple enough who came to buy us. He, making the 
most of his villainous loading, after his disaster, 
sold us at about £16 per head. What became of 
my unhappy companions, I never knew ; but it 
Mas my lot to be sold to one of my countrymen, 
whose name was Hugh Wilson, a North Britain, 
for the term of seven years, who had in his youth 
undergone the same fate as myself, having been 
kidnapped from St. Johnstown, in Scotland. As I 
shall often have occasion to mention Philadelphia 
during the course of my adventures, I shall, in this 
place, give a short and concise description of the 
finest city of America, and one of the best laid out 
in the world. 



DESCRIPTION OP PHILADELPHIA. 

This city would have been a capital fit for an em- 
pire had it been built and inhabited according to 
the proprietor's plan. Considering its late founda.- 
tion, it is a large city, and most commodiously si- 
tuated between Delaware and Schuylkill, two navi- 
gable rivers. The former being 2 miles broad, and 
A 2 



12 

navigable 300 miles for small vessels. 1 1 extends 
in length 2 miles from the one river to the other. 
There are eight long streets two miles in length, all 
straight and spacious. The houses are stately, very 
numerous (being near 3000), and still increasing, 
and all carried on regularly according to the first 
plan. It has two fronts to the water, one on the 
east side facing the Schuylkill, and that on the west 
facing the Delaware. The Schuylkill being navi- 
gable 800 miles above the falls, the eastern part is 
most populous, where the warehouses (some three 
stories high), and wharfs are numerous and conve- 
nient. All the houses have large orchards and gar- 
dens belonging to them. The merchants that re- 
side here are numerous and wealthy, many of them 
keeping their coaches, &c. In the centre of the 
city there is a space of ten acres, whereon are built 
the state-house, market-house, and school-house. 
The former is built of brick, and has a prison under 
it. The streets have their names from the several 
sorts of timber common in Pennsylvania ; as Mul- 
berry Street, SafTafras Street, Chesnut Street, Beech 
Street, and Cedar Street. The oldest church is 
Christ Church, and has a numerous congregation : 
but the major part of the inhabitants, being at first 
Quakers, still continue so, who have several meet- 
ing-houses, and may not improperly be called the 
church, as by law established, being the originals. 
The quay is beautiful, and 200 feet square, to which 
a ship of 200 tons may lay her broadside. Near the 
town, and on the spot which separates it from the 
Schuylkill, where that river falls into the Delaware. 
is found black earth of a great depth, and covered 
with vegetation : and which, it is evident, has been 
recently left by the water. It has all the character 
of land perfectly new. and as yet scarcely raised 
from the bed of the river. This land is used for 
meadows, and is in great estimation. It is ack 
ledged, however, to be extremely unhealthy. Be- 



13 

twee* that and Wilmington, the quality. of the stone 
is quartzose ; oeher is also to be found in an imper- 
fect state. As the advantages this city may boast 
of, has rendered it one of the best trading towns out 
of the British empire ; so in all probability it will 
increase in commerce and riches, if not prevented 
by party, faction, and religious feuds, which of 
late years have made it suffer considerably. The 
assemblies and courts of judicature are held here, 
as in all capitals. The French have no city like it 
in all America. 

Happy was my lot in falling into my country- 
man's power, as he was, contrary to many others of 
his calling, a humane, worthy, honest man. Hav- 
ing no children of his own, and commiserating my 
unhappy condition, he took great care of me until I 
was fit for business ; and about the 12th year of my 
age set me about little trifles ; in which state 1 con- 
tinued until my 14th year, when I was more fit for 
harder work. During such my idle state, seeing my 
fellow- servants often reading and writing, it incited 
in me an inclination to learn, which I intimated to 
my master, telling him 1 should be very willing to 
serve a- year lunger than the contract by which I 
was bound, if he would indulge me in going to 
school ; this he readily agreed to, saying that winter 
would be the best time. It being then summer, I 
waited with impatience for the other season ; but to 
make some progress in my design, I got a Primer, 
and learned as much from my fellow- servants as I 
could. At school, where I went every winter for 
five years, I made a tolerable proficiency, and have 
ever since been improving myself at leisure hours. 
With this good master I continued till I was se- 
venteen years old, when he died ; and, as a reward 
for my faithful service, he left me £200 currency, 
which was then about £150 sterling, his best horse, 
saddle, and all Iris wearing apparel. 

Beine; now my own master, having money in mv 



14 

pocket, and all other necessaries, I employed my- 
self in jobbing about the country, working for any- 
one that would employ me, for near seven years', 
when thinking I had money sufficient to follow some 
better way of life, I resolved to settle, but thought 
one step necessary thereto was to be married, for 
for which purpose I applied to the daughter of a 
substantial planter, and found my suit was not un- 
acceptable to her or her father, so that matters were 
soon concluded upon, and we married. My father- 
in-law, in order to establish us in the world in an 
easy, if not affluent manner, made me a deed of gift 
of a track of land, that lay (unhappily for me as it 
has since proved) on the frontiers of the province 
of Pennsylvania, near the forks of Delaware, in 
Berks county, containing about 200 acres, 30 of 
which were well cleared, and fit for immediate use, 
whereon was a good house and barn. The place 
pleasing me well, I settled on it, though it cost me 
the major part of my money in buying stock, house- 
hold furniture, and implements for out-door work ; 
and happy as I was in a good wife, yet did my feli- 
city last me not long ; for about the year 1754, the 
Indians in the French interest, who had for a long 
time before ravaged and destroyed other parts of 
America unmolested, I may very properly say, be- 
gan to be very troublesome on the frontiers of our 
province, where they generally appeared in small 
skulking parties, with yellings, shoutings, and antic 
postures, instead of trumpets and drums, commit- 
ting great devastations. The Pennsylvanians little 
imagined at first that the Indians, guilty of such 
outrages and violence, were some of those who pre- 
tended to be in the English interest ; which, alas ! 
proved to be too true to many of us ; for, like the 
French in Europe, without regard to faith or treaties, 
they suddenly break out into furious, rapid outrages 
and devastations, but soon retire precipitately, 
having no stores or provisions but what they meet 



15 

with in their incursions ; some indeed carry a bag 
with biscuit or Indian corn therein, but not unless 
they have a long march to their destined place of 
action. And those French, who were sent to dis- 
possess us in that part of the world, being indefati- 
gable in their duty, and continually contriving and 
using all manner of ways and means to win the In- 
dians to their interest, many of whom had been too 
negligent, and sometimes, I may say, cruelly treated 
by" those who pretend to be their protectors and 
friends, found it no very difficult matter to get over 
to their interest many who belonged to those nations 
in amity with us, especially as the rewards they 
gave them were so great, they paying for every 
scalp of an English person £15 sterling. 

Terrible and shocking to human nature were the 
barbarities daily committed by the savages, and are 
not to be paralleled in all the volumes of history ! 
Scarce did a day pass but some unhappy family or 
other fell victims to French chicanery and savage 
cruelty. Terrible indeed it proved to me as well as 
to many others ; I that was now happy in an easy 
state of life, blessed with an affectionate and tender 
wife, who was possessed of all amiable qualities, to 
enable me to go through the world with that peace 
and serenity of mind which every Christian wishes 
to possess, became on a sudden one of the most un- 
happy and deplorable of mankind ; scarce can I 
sustain the shock which for ever recoils on me, at 
thinking on the last time of seeing that good wo- 
man. The fatal 2d of October 1754, she that day 
went from home to visit some of her relations ; as I 
staid up later than usual, expecting her return, none 
being in the house besides myself, how great was 
my surprise, terror, and affright, when about 11 
o'clock at night I heard the dismal war- cry, or war- 
whoop of the savages, which they make on such 
occasions, and may be expressed, WoacJu woach, ha, 
ha^ hactu woach. and to my inexpressible grief, soon 



16 

found my house was attacked by them : I flew to 
my chamber-window, and perceived them to be 
twelve in number. They making several attempt * 
to get in, I asked them what they wanted ? They 
gave me no answer, but continued beating, and try- 
ing to get the door open. Judge, then, the condi- 
tion I must be in, knowing the cruelty and merciless 
disposition of those savages should I fall into their 
hands. To escape which dreadful misfortune, hav- 
ing my gun loaded in my hand. I threatened them 
with death if they should not desist. But how vain 
and fruitless are the efforts of one man against the 
united force of so many, and of such merciless, un- 
daunted, and blood-thirsty monsters as 1 had here 
to deal with. One of them that could speak a little 
English, threatened me in return, ;i That if I did not 
come out, they would burn me alive in the house ;" 
telling me farther, what I unfortunately perceived, 
" That they were no friends to the English, but if 
I would come out and surrender myself prisoner, 
they would not kill me/' My terror and distraction 
at hearing this is not to be expressed by words, nor 
easily imagined by any person, unless in the same 
condition. Little could I depend on the promises 
of such creatures ; and yet if I did not, inevitable 
death, by being burnt alive, must be my lot. Dis- 
tracted as I was in such deplorable circumstances, 
I chose to rely on the uncertainty of their fallacious 
promises, rather than meet with certain death by 
rejecting them: an 1 accordingly went out of my 
house with my gun in my hand, not knowing what 
I did, or that I had it. Immediately on my ap- 
proach, they rushed on me like so many tigers, and 
instantly disarmed me. Having me thus in their 
po^er, the merciless villains bound me to a tree 
near the door ; they then went into the house, and 
plundered and destroyed every thing there was in 
it, carrying off what moveables they could ; the rest, 
together with the house, which they set fire to, was 



17 

consumed before my eyes. The barbarians, not 
satisfied with this, set fire to my barn, stable, and 
out-houses, wherein were about 200 bushels of 
wheat, six cows, four horses, and five sheep, which 
underwent the same fate, being all entirely consum- 
ed to ashes. During the conflagration, to describe 
the thoughts, the fears, and misery that I felt, is 
utterly impossible, as it is even now to mention what 
I feel at the remembrance thereof. 

Having thus finished the execrable business about 
which they came, one of the monsters came to me 
with a tomahawk * in his hand, threatening me with 
the worst of deaths, if I would not willingly go with 
them, and be contented with their way of living. 
This I seemiDgly agreed to, promising to do every 
thing for them that lay in my power ; trusting to 
Providence for the time when I might be delivered 
out of their hands. Upon this they untied me, and 
gave me a great load to carry on my back, under 
which I travelled all that night with them, full of 
the most terrible apprehensions, and oppressed with 
the greatest anxiety of mird lest my unhappy wife 
should likewise have fallen a prey to these cruel 
n ousters. At day-break, my infernal masters or- 
dered me to lay down my load, when, tying my 
hands again round a tree with a small cord, they 
then forced the blood out of my finger-ends. They 
then kindled a fire near the tree whereto J was 
bound, which filled me with the most dreadful ago- 
nies, concluding I was going to be made a sacrifice 
to their barbarity. 

This narrative, O reader ! may seem dry and te- 
dious to you : my miseries and misfortunes, great as 
they have been, may be considered only as what 

* Tomahawk is a kind of hatchet, made something like our plas- 
terers' hammer?, about two feet long, handle and all. To take up 
the hatchet (or tomahawk) among them, is to declare war. They ge- 
nerally use it after firing their guii3, by rushing on their enemies, and 
fracturing or cleaving their §ch11s with it, and very seldom tail of kill- 
ing at the first blow. 



18 

others have daily met with for years past ; yet, on 
reflection, you cannot help indulging me in the re- 
cital of them ; for to the unfortunate and distressed, 
recounting our miseries is, in some sort, an allevia- 
tion of them. 

Permit me therefore to proceed ; not by recount- 
ing to you the deplorable condition I was then in, 
for that is more than can be described to you, by 
one who thought of nothing less than being imme- 
diately put to death in the most excruciating man- 
ner these devils could invent. The fire being thus 
made, they for some time danced round me after 
their manner, with various odd motions and antic 
gestures, whooping, holloeing, and crying in a fright- 
ful manner, as it is their custom. Having satisfied 
themselves in this sort of their mirth, they proceeded 
in a more tragical manner, taking the burning coals 
and sticks, flaming with fire at the ends, holding 
them near my face, head, hands, and feet, with a 
deal of monstrous pleasure and satisfaction, and at 
the same time threatening to burn me entirely, if I 
made the least noise or cried out. Thus tortured as 
I w T as, almost to death, I suffered their brutal plea- 
sure without being allowed to vent my inexpressible 
anguish otherwise than by shedding tears ; even 
which, when these inhuman tormentors observed, 
with a shocking pleasure and alacrity, they would 
take fresh coals, and apply near my eyes, telling me 
my face was wet, and that they would dry it for me, 
which indeed they cruelly did. How I underwent 
these tortures I have here faintly described, has been 
matter of wonder to me many times ; but God en- 
abled me to wait with more than common patience 
for a deliverance I daily prayed for. 

Having at length satisfied their brutal pleasure, 
they sat down round the fire, and roasted their meat, 
of which they had robbed my dwelling. When they 
had prepared it, and satisfied their voracious appe- 
tites, they offered some to me ; though it is easily 



19 

imagined I had but little appetite to eat, after the 
tortures and miseries I had undergone ; yet was I 
forced to seem pleased with what they offered me, 
lest, by refusing it, they had again resumed their 
hellish practices. What I could not eat, I contrived 
to get between the bark and the tree where I was 
fixed, they having unbound my hands until they 
imagined I had eat all they gave me ; but then they 
again bound me as before, in which deplorable con- 
dition was I forced to continue all that dsij. When 
the sun was set, they put out the fire, and covered 
the ashes with leaves, as is their usual custom, that 
the white people might not discover any traces or 
signs of their having been there. 

Thus had these barbarous wretches finished their 
last diabolical piece of work ; and shocking as it may 
seem to the humane English heart, yet what I un- 
derwent was but trifiing, in comparison to the tor- 
ments and miseries which I was afterwards an eye- 
witness of being inflicted on others of my unhappy 
fellow creatures. 

Going from thence along by the river Susquehana 
for the space of six miles, loaded as T was before, 
we arrived at a spot near the Apalachian mountains, 
or Blue Hills, where they hid their plunder under 
logs of wood. And, oh, shocking to relate ! from 
thence did these hellish monsters proceed to a neigh- 
bouring house, occupied by one Joseph Snider, and 
his unhappy family, consisting of his wife, five 
children, and a young man his servant. They soon 
got admittance into the unfortunate man's house, 
where they immediately, without the least remorse, 
and with more than brutal cruelty, scalped * the ten- 

• Scalping is taking off the skin from the top of the bead ; which 
they perform with a long knife which they hang round their neck, 
and always carry with them. They cut the skin round as much of 
the head as they think proper, sometimes quite round from the neck 
and forehead, then take it in their fingers, and pluck it off, and often 
leave the unhappy creatures, so served, to die in a most miserable 
manner. Some, who are not cut loo deep in the temples and scull, 
B 




20 

der parents and the unhappy children i nor could 
the tears, the shrieks, or cries of these unhappy vic- 
tims, prevent their horrid massacre ; for having thus 
scalped them, and plundered the house of every 
thing that was moveable, they set fire to the same, 
where the poor creatures met their final doom a- 
midst the flames, the hellish miscreants standing at 
the door, or as near the house as the flames would 
permit them, rejoicing, and echoing back in their 
diabolical manner, the piercing cries, heart-rending 
groans, and paternal and affectionate soothings, 
which issued from this most horrid sacrifice of an 
innocent family. Sacrifice ! 1 think I may properly 
call it, to the aggrandizing the ambition of a king, 
who wrongly styles himself Most Christian! For, 
had these savages been never tempted with the al- 
luring bait of all-powerful gold, myself as well as 
hundreds of others, might still have lived most hap- 
pily in our stations. If Christians countenance, nay 
hire, those wretches to live in a continual repetition 
of plunder, rapine, murder, and conflagration, in 
vain are missionaries sent or sums expended, for the 
propagation of the gospel. But these sentiments, 
with many others, must, before the end of this nar- 
rative, occur to every humane heart. Therefore to 
proceed : not contented with what these infernals 
had already done, the}* still continued their inordi- 
nate villainy, in making a general conflagration of 
the barn and stables, together with all the corn, 
horses, cows, and every thing on the place. 

Thinking the young man" belonging to this un- 
happy family woidd be of some service to them in 
carrying part of their hellish acquired plunder, they 
spared his life, and loaded him and myself with 
what they had here got, and again inarched to the 

live in borrid torments many hours, ami sometimes a day or two af- 
ter. The scalps, or skins thus taken off, they preserve and carry 
home in triumph, where they receive, as is said before, a consider 
feUle eum for every one, 



21 

Blue Hills, where they stowed their goods as before; 
My fellow- sufferer could not long bear the cruel 
treatment which we were both obliged to suffer, and 
complaining bitterly to me of his bein^ unable to 
proceed any farther, I endeavoured to condole him 
as much as lay in my power, to bear up under his 
afflictions, and wait with patience till by the divine 
assistance we should b* delivered out of their clutch- 
es : but all in vain, for he still continued his moans 
and tears, which one of the savages perceiving as 
we travelled en, instantly came up to us, and with 
his tomahawk gave him a blow on the head, which 
felled the unhappy youth to the ground, where they 
immediately scalped and left him. The suddenness 
of this murder shocked me to that degree, that 1 
was in a manner like a statue, being quite motion- 
less, expecting my fate would soon be the same : 
however, recovering my distracted thoughts. I dis- 
sembled the uneasiness and anguish which I felt, as 
well as I could, from the barbarians : but still, such 
was the terror that I was under, that for seme time 
I scarce knew the days of the week, or what I did ; 
so that, at this period*, life indeed became a burden 
to me, and I regretted being saved from my first 
persecutors, the sailors. 

The horrid fact being completed, they kept on 
their course near the mountains, where they lay 
skulking four or five days, rejoicing at the plunder 
and store they had got. When provisions became 
scarce, they made their way towards Susquehana; 
where still, to add to the many barbarities they had 
already committed, passing near another house in- 
habited by an unhappy old man. whose name was 
John Adams, with his wife and four small children ; 
and, meeting with no resistance, they immediately 
scalped the unhappy wife and her four children, be- 
fore the good old man's eyes. Inhuman and horrid 
as this was, it did not satiate them ; for when they 
had murdered the poor woman, they acted with he* 



22 

in such a brutal manner, as decency, or the remem- 
brance of the crime, will not permit me to mention ; 
and this even before the unhappy husband, who, 
not being able to avoid the sight, and incapable of 
affording her the least relief, entreated them to put 
an end to his miserable being : but they were as 
deaf and regardless to the tears, prayers, and en- 
treaties of this venerable sufferer, as they had been 
to those of the others, and proceeded in their hellish 
purpose of burning and destroying his house, barn, 
cattle, hay, corn, and every thing the poor man a 
few hours before was master of. Having saved what 
they thought proper from the flames, they gave the 
old man, feeble, weak, and in the miserable condi- 
tion he then was, as well as myself, burdens to carry, 
and loading themselves likewise with bread and 
meat, pursued their journey on towards the Great 
Swamp, where, being arrived, they lay for eight or 
nine days, sometimes diverting themselves in exer- 
cising the most atrocious and barbarous cruelties on 
their unhappy victim, the old man : sometimes they 
would strip him naked, and paint him all over with 
various sorts of colours, which they extracted, or 
made from herbs and roots: at other times they 
would pluck the white hairs from his venerable 
beard, and tauntingly tell him, he was a fool for liv- 
ing- so long, and that they would shew him kindness in 
■putting him out of the world; to all which the poor 
creature could but vent his sighs, his tears, his 
moans, and entreaties, that, to my affrighted imagi- 
nation, were enough to penetrate a heart of ada- 
mant, and soften the most obdurate savage. In 
vain, alas ! were all his tears, for daily did they tire 
themselves with the various means they tried to 
torment him ; sometimes tying him to a tree, and 
whipping him ; at others, scorching his furrowed 
cheeks with red-hot coals, and burning his legs* 
quite to the knees : but the good old man, instead 
of repining, or wickedly arraigning the divine jus- 



23 

tice, like many others in such cases, even in the 
greatest agonies, incessantly offered up his prayers 
to the Almighty, with the most fervent thanksgiv- 
ings for his former mercies, and hoping the flames, 
then surrounding and hurninghis aged limbs, would 
soon send him to the blissful mansions of the just, 
to be a partaker of the blessings there. And during 
such his pious ejaculations, his infernal plagues 
wGuld come round him, mimicking his heart-rend- 
ing groans and piteous waiiings. One night after 
he had thus been tormented, whilst he and I were 
sitting together condoling each other at the misfor- 
tunes and miseries we daily suffered, twenty scalps 
and three prisoners were brought in by another 
party of Indians. They had unhappily fallen in 
their hands in Cannojigge, a small town near the 
river Susquehana, chiefly inhabited by the Irish. 
These prisoners gave us some shocking accounts of 
the murders and devastations committed in their 
parts. The various and complicated actions of these 
barbarians would entirely All a large volume, but 
what I have already written, with a few other in- 
stances which I shall select from their information, 
will enable the reader to guess at the horrid treat- 
ment the English, and Indians in their interest, suf- 
fered for many years past. I shall therefore only 
mention in a brief manner those that suffered near 
the same time with myself. This party, who now 
joined us, had it not, I found, in their power to be- 
gin their wickedness as soon as those who visited 
my habitation, the first of their tragedies being on 
the 25th day of October, 1754, when John Lewis, 
with his wife and three small children, fell sacrifices 
to their cruelty, and were miserably scalped and 
murdered, his house, barn, and every thing he pos- 
sessed, being burnt and destroyed. On the 28th, 
Jacob Miller, with his wife and six of his family, 
together with every thing on his plantation, under- 
went the same fate. The 30th. the house, mill, 

b2 



24 

barn, twenty head of cattle, two teams of horses, 
and every thing belonging to the unhappy George 
Folke, met with the like treatment : himself, wife, 
and all his miserable family, consisting of nine in 
number, being inhumanly scalped, then cut in pieces 
and given to the swine, which devoured them. I 
shall give another instance of the numberless and 
unheard-of barbarities they related of these savages, 
and proceed to their own tragical end. In short, 
one of the substantial traders belonging to the pro- 
vince, having business that called him some miles 
up the country, fell into the hands of these devils, 
who not only scalped him, but immediately roasted 
him before he was dead ; then, like cannibals for 
want of other food, eat his whole body, and of his 
head made what they called an Indian pudding. 

From these few instances of savage cruelty, the 
deplorable situation of the defenceless inhabitants, 
and what they hourly suffered in that part of the 
globe, must strike the utmost horror to a human 
soul, and cause in every breast the utmost detesta- 
tion, not only against the authors of such tragic 
scenes, but against those who through perfidy, in- 
attention, or pusillanimous and erroneous principles, 
suffered these savages at first, unrepelled, or even 
unmolested, to commit such outrages and incredible 
depredations and murders : for no torments, no bar- 
barities that can be exercised on the human sacri- 
fices they get into their power, are left untried or 
omitted. 

The three prisoners that were brought with these 
additional forces, constantly repining at their lot, 
and almost dead with their excessive hard treat- 
ment, contrived at last to make their escape ; but 
being far from their own settlements, and not know- 
ing the country, were soon after met by seme others 
of the tribes or nations at war with us, and brought 
back to their diabolical masters, who greatly re- 
joiced at having them again in their infernal power. 



25 

The poor creatures, almost famished for want of 
sustenance, having had none during the time of their 
elopement, were no sooner in the clutches of the 
barbarians, than two of them were tied to a tree, 
and a great fire made round them, where they re- 
mained till they were terribly scorched and burnt ; 
when one of the villains, with his scalping knife, 
ript open their bellies, took out their entrails, and 
burnt them before their eyes, whilst the others were 
cutting, piercing, and tearing the flesh from their 
breasts, hands, arms, and legs, with red hot irons, 
till they were dead. The third unhappy victim was 
reserved a few hours longer, to be, if possible, sa- 
crificed in a more cruel manner ; his arms were tied 
close to his body, and a hole being dug deep enough 
for him to stand upright, he was put therein, and 
earth rammed and beat in all round his body, up to 
the neck, so that his head only appeared above the 
ground: they then scalped him, and there let him 
remain for three or four hours in the greatest ago- 
nies ; after which they made a small fire near his 
head, causing him to suffer the most excruciating 
torments imaginable, whilst the poor creature could 
only cry for mercy in killing him immediately, for 
his brains were boiling in his head : inexorable to 
all his plaints, they continued the fire, whilst, shock- 
ing to behold, hiseyes gushed cut of their sockets ; 
and such agonizing torments did the unhappy crea- 
ture suffer for near two hours, till he was quite 
dead ! They then cut off his head and buried it 
with the other bodies ; my task being to dig the 
graves, whieh, feeble and terrified as I was, the 
dread of suffering the same fate enabled me to do. 
I shall not here take up the reader's time, in vainly 
attempting to describe what I felt on such an occa- 
sion, but continue my narrative as more equal to 
my abilities. 

A great snow now falling, the barbarians were a 
little fearful lest the white" people should, by their 



26 

traces, find out their skulking retreats, which ob- 
liged them to make the best" of their way to their 
winter quarters, about two hundred miles farther 
from any plantations or inhabitants ; where, after a 
long and tedious journey, being almost starved, I 
arrived with this infernal crew. The place where 
we were to rest, in their tongue, is called Alamingo. 
There were found a number of wigwams* full of 
their women and children. Dancing, shooting, and 
shouting were their general amusements ; and in all 
their festivals and dances they relate what successes 
they have had, and what damages they have sus- 
tained in their expeditions ; in which I became part 
of their theme. The severity of the cold increasing, 
they slript me of my clothes for their own use, and 
gave me such as they usually wore themselves, be- 
ing a piece of blanket, a pair of ?no<>-ganes. or shoes, 
with a yard of coarse cloth to put round me instead 
of breeches. To describe their dress and manner 
of living may not be altogether unacceptable to some 
of my readers ; but as the size of this book will not 
permit me to be so particular as I might otherwise 
be. I shall just observe, 

That they in general wear a white blanket, which, 
in war time, they paint with various figures, but 
particularly the leaves of trees, in order to deceive 
their enemies when in the woods. Their mogganes 
are made of deer-skins, and the best sort have 
them bound round the edges with little beads and 
ribbands. On their legs they wear pieces of blue 
cloth for stockings, some like our soldiers spatter- 
dashes ; they reach higher than then* knees, but 
not lower than their ancles. They esteem them 
easy to run in. Breeches they never wear, but in- 
stead thereof two pieces of linen, one before and 

* Wigwams are the names they give their houses, which are no 
more than little huts, inncie witii three oi four forked stakes drove 
into the ground, and covered with deer or other skins; or, for want 
of them, with large leaves mid earth. 



27 

another behind. The better sort have shirts of the 
finest linen they can get, and to these some wear 
ruffles ; but these they never put on till they have 
painted them of various colours which they get from 
the Pecone root and bark of trees, and never pull 
them off to wash, but wear them till they fall to 
pieces. They are very proud, and take great de- 
light in wearing trinkets ; such as silver plates round 
their wrists and necks, with several strings of wam- 
pum (which is made of cotton, interwoven with 
pebbles, cockle-shells, &c), down to their breasts ; 
and from their ears and noses they have rings or 
beads which hang dangling an inch or two. The 
men have no beards, to prevent which they use 
certain instruments and tricks as soon as it begins 
to grow. The hair of their heads is managed dif- 
ferently, some pluck out and destroy all, except a 
lock hanging from the crown of the head, which 
they interweave with wainpum and feathers of va- 
rious colours. The women wear it very long twist- 
ed down their backs, with beads, feathers, and 
wampum ; and on their heads most of them wear 
little coronets of brass or copper ; round their middle 
they wear a blanket instead of a petticoat. The 
females are very chaste, and constant to their hus- 
bands ; and if any young maiden should happen to 
have a child before marriage, she is never esteem- 
ed afterwards. As for their food they get it chiefly 
by hunting and shooting, and boil or roast all the 
meat they eat. Their standing dish consists of In- 
dian corn soaked, then bruised and boiled over a 
gentle fire for ten or twelve hours. Their bread is 
likewise made of wild oats, or sun-flower seeds. Set 
meals they nevea* regard, but eat when they are 
hungry. Their gun, tomahawk, scalping knife, 
powder and shot, are all they have to carry with 
them in time of war—- bows and arrows being sel- 
dom used by them. They generally in war decline 
open engagements ; bush fighting or skulking is 



28 

their discipline : and they are brave when engaged, 
having great fortitude in enduring tortures and 
death. No people have a greater love of liberty or 
affection to their neighbours ; but are the most im- 
placably vindictive people upon the earth ; for they 
revenge the death of any relation, or any great af- 
front, whenever occasion presents, let the distance 
of time or place be never so remote. To all which 
I may add, and which the reader has already ob- 
served, that they are inhumanly cruel. But some 
other nations might be more happy, if in some in- 
stances they copied them, and made wise conduct, 
courage, and personal strength, the cliief recommen- 
dations for war captains, or iceroicanees, as they 
call them. In times of peace, they visit the plan- 
tations inhabited by the whites, to whom they sell 
baskets, ladles, spoons, and other such trifles, 
which they are very expert in making. When 
night comes, if admitted into any house, they beg 
leave to lie down by the fire-side, chusing that place 
rather than any other, which is seldom refused them, 
if sober; for then they are honest; but if drunk, 
are very dangerous and troublesome, if people 
enough are not in the house to quell them. Nor 
would they at any time be guilty of such barbarous 
depredations as they are, did not these calling them- 
selves Christians entice them thereto with strong 
liquors, which they are vastly fond of; as well as 
by the pecuniary rewards which they gave for the 
scalps. If ambition cannot be gratified, or supe- 
riority obtained, otherwise than by the death of 
thousands, would it net, in these who seek such 
airy phantoms, and are so inordinately fond of their 
fellow creatures lives, savour a little more of huma- 
nity, to have them killed instantly, and, if they 
must have proofs of murdei\ scalped afterwards, 
than by allowing and encouraging such merciless 
treatment, render themselves as obnoxious, cruel, 
and barbarous, to a humane mind, as the very sa- 



29 

rages themselves ? However, they sometimes suf- 
fer by their plots and chicanery laid for the destruc- 
tion of others ; it often happening that the traders 
or emissaries sent to allure them to the execution 
of their schemes, rightly fall victims themselves ; 
for, as they always carry with them horse-loads of 
rum, which the Indians are fond of, they soon get 
drunk, quarrelsome, and wicked, and in their fury 
often kill and destroy their tempters : a just reward 
for their wicked designs : nay, it had such an effect 
on them, that when so intoxicated, they even burn 
and consume all their own effects, beating, wound- 
ing, and sometimes killing their wives and children : 
but, in disputes among themselves, when sober, 
they are very tenacious of decorum, never allowing 
more than one to speak at a time. Profane swear- 
ing they know not in their own language how to 
express, but are very fond of the French and Eng- 
lish oaths. 

The old people, who are by age and infirmities 
rendered incapable of being serviceable to the com- 
munity, they put out of the world in a barbarous 
and extraordinary manner ; an instance of which I 
had, whilst among them, an opportunity of seeing 
practised on an old Indian. He being, through 
age, feeble and weak, and his eyes failing him, so 
that he was unable to get his living either by hunt- 
ing or shooting;, was summoned to appear before 
several of the leading ones, who were to be his jud- 
ges. Before whom being come, and having nothing 
to say for himself, fas how indeed could he prove 
himself to be young ?) they very formally, and with 
a seeming degree of compassion, passed sentence 
on him to be p it to death. This was soon after 
executed on him in the following manner : he was 
tied naked to a tree, and a boy, who was to be his 
executioner, stood ready with a tomahawk in his 
hands, to beat his brains out ; but when the young 
monster came to inflict the sentence, he was so 



30 

short of stature that he could not lift the tomahawk 
high enough ; upon which he was held up by some 
others, a great concourse being present ; and then, 
though the young devil laid on with all his strength, 
he was not for some time able to fracture the old 
man's scull, so that it was near an hour before he 
was dead. — Thus are they, from their youth, inur- 
ed to barbarity! 

When they found no remains of life in him, they 
put him into a hole dug in the ground for that pur- 
pose, in which he stood upright. Into his left hand 
they put an old gun, and hung a small powder- 
horn and shot-bag about his shoulders, and a string 
of wampum round his neck ; and into his right hand 
a little silk purse with a bit of money in it ; then 
filled the hole round, aud covered him over with 
earth. This I found to be the usual manner of 
treating the old of both sexes ; only that the women 
are killed by young girls, and put into the ground 
with nothing but a ladle in one hand, and a wooden 
dish in the other. 

They are very strict in punishing offenders, es- 
pecially such as commit crimes against any of the 
royal families. They never hang any ; but those 
sentenced to death are generally bound to a stake, 
aud a great fire made round them, but not so near 
as to burn them immediately ; for they sometimes 
remain roasting in the middle of the flames for two 
or three days before they are dead. 

After this long digression, it is time to return to 
the detail of my own affairs. — At Alamingo was I 
kept near two months, until the snow was off the 
ground. A long time to be amongst such creatures, 
and naked as I almost was ! whatever thoughts I 
might have of making my escape, to carry them 
into execution was impracticable, being so far from 
any plantations or white people, and the severe 
weather rendering my limbs in a manner quite stiff 
and motionless : however. 1 contrived to defend 



31 

myself against the inclemency of the weather as 
well as I could, by making myself a little wigwam, 
with the bark of the trees, covering the same with 
earth, which made it resemble a cave ; and to pre- 
vent the ill effects of the cold which penetrated into 
it, I was forced to keep a good fire always near the 
door. 

Thus did I for near two months endure such 
hardships of cold and hunger as had hitherto been 
unknown to me. My liberty of going about was 
indeed more than J could have expected, but they 
well knew the impracticability of my eloping from 
them. Seeing me outwardly easy and submissive, 
they would sometimes give me a little meat, but 
my chief food was Indian corn, dressed as I have 
above described. Notwithstanding such their ci- 
vility, the time passed so tedious on, that I almost 
began to despair of ever regaining my liberty, or 
seeing my few relations again ; which, with the an- 
xiety and pain I suffered, on account of my dear 
wife, often gave me inexpressible concern. 

At length the time arrived, when they were pre- 
paring themselves for another expedition against 
the planters and white people ; but before they 
set out, they were joined by many other Indians 
from Fort Du Quesne, well stored with powder and 
ball they had received from the French. 

As soon as the snow was quite gone, and no traces 
of their vile footsteps could be perceived, they set 
forward on their journey toward the back parts of 
the province of Pennsylvania, leaving their wives 
and children behind in their wigwams. They were 
now a terrible and formidable body, amounting 
nearly to 150. My duty was to carry what they 
thought proper to load me with, but they never en- 
trusted me with a gun. We marched on several 
days without any thing particular occurring, almost 
famished for want of provisions ; for my part I had 
nothing but a few stalks of Indian corn, which I was 
c 



32 

glad to eat dry ; nor did the Indians themselves fare 
much better, for as we drew near the plantations, 
they were afraid to kill any game, lest the noise of 
their guns should alarm the inhabitants. 

When we again arrived at the Blue Hills, about 
thirty miles from Cannocojigge, the Irish settlement 
before mentioned, we encamped for three days, 
though, God knows, we had neither tents, nor any 
thing else to defend us from the inclemency of the 
air, having nothing to lie on by night but the grass. 
Their usual method of lodging, pitching, or camping 
by night, being in parcels of ten or twelve men to 
a fire, where they lie upon the grass or bushes, wrapt 
up in a blanket, with their feet to the fire. 

During our stay here, a sort of council of war was 
held, when it was agreed to divide themselves into 
companies of about twenty men each ; after which, 
every captain marched with his party where he 
thought proper. I still belonged to my old masters, 
but was left behind on the mountains with ten Indi- 
ans, to stay until the rest should return ; not think- 
ing it proper to carry me nearer Cannocojigge, or 
the other plantations. 

Here being left, I began to meditate on my escape ; 
and though I knew the country round extremely 
well, having been often thereabouts with my compa- 
nions, hunting deer. and other beasts, yet was I very 
cautious of giving the least suspicion of such my in- 
tention. However, the third day after the grand 
body left us, my companions or keepers thought 
proper to visit the mountains in search of game for 
their subsistence, leaving me bound in such a man- 
ner that I could not escape. At night, when they 
returned, having unbound me, we all sat down toge- 
ther to supper on two polecats, being what they had 
killed, and scon after (being greatly fatigued with 
their day's excursion) they composed themselves to 
rest as usual. Observing them to be in that somni- 
ferous state, I tried various ways to see whether it 



S3 

was a scheme to prove my intensions or not ; but 
after making a noise, and walking about, sometimes 
touching them with my feet, T found there was no 
fallacy. My heart then exulted with joy at seeing a 
time come that I might in all probability be deli- 
vered from my captivity, but the joy was soon 
damped by the dread of being discovered by them, 
or taken by any straggling parties. To prevent 
which I resolved, if possible, to get one of their guns, 
and if discovered, to die in my defence rather than 
be taken ; for that purpose I made various efforts to 
get one from under their heads (where they usually 
secured them) but in vain. Frustrated in this my 
first essay regarding my liberty, I dreaded the 
thoughts of carrying my new design into execution ; 
yet after a little consideration, and trusting myself 
to the divine protection, I set forward naked and de- 
fenceless as I was. A rash and dangerous enterprise ! 
Such was my terror, however, that in going from 
them I halted and paused every four or five yards, 
looking fearfully towards the spot where I had left 
them, lest they should awake and miss me ; but when 
I was about two hundred yards from them, I mend- 
ed my pace, and made as much haste as I could to 
the foot of the mountains, when on a sudden I was 
struck with the greatest terror and amaze at hearing 
the wood-cry, as it is called, and may be expressed 
Jo haul Jo haul which the savages I had left were 
making, accompanied with the most hideous cries 
and howling the}'- could utter. The bellowing of 
lions, the shrieks of hyenas, or the roarings oftygers, 
would have been music to my ears in comparison to 
the sounds that then saluted them. They having 
now missed their charge, I concluded that they 
would soon separate themselves, and hie in quest of 
me. The more my terror increased, the faster did I 
push on ; and scarce knowing where I trode, drove 
through the woods with the utmost precipitation, 
sometimes falling and bruising myself, cutting my 



34 

feet and legs against the stones in a miserable man- 
ner: but though faint and maimed, I continued my 
flight until break of day, when, without having any 
thing to sustain nature but a little corn left, I crept 
into a hollow tree, in which I lay very snug, and re- 
turned my prayers and thanks to the Divine Being, 
that had thus far favoured my escape. But my re- 
repose was in a few hours destroyed at hearing the 
voices of savages near the place where I was hid. 
threatening and talking how they would use me if 
they got me again : that I was before too sensible 
of to have the least rest either in body or mind since 
I had left them. However, they at last left the spot 
where I had heard them, and I remained in my cir- 
cular asylum all that day without further molestation. 
At night I ventured forward again, frightened and 
trembling at every bush I past, thinking each twig 
that touched me to be a savage. The third day I 
concealed myself in the like manner, and at night I 
travelled on in the same deplorable condition, keep- 
ing off the main road used by the Indians as much 
as possible, which made my journey many miles 
longer, and more painful and irksome than I can 
express. But how shall I describe the fear, terror, 
and shock that I felt on the fourth night, when, by 
the rustling 1 made among the leaves, a parly of 
Indians, that lay round a small fire, which I did'not 
perceive, started from the ground, and seizing their 
arms, ran from the fire amongst the woods. Whe- 
ther to move forward or to rest where I was I knew 
not, so distracted was my imagination. In this me- 
lancholy state, revolving in my thoughts the now 
inevitable fate I thought waited on me, to my great 
consternation and joy, I was relieved by a* parcel 
of swine that made towards the place I guessed the 
savages to be ; who, on seeing the hogs, conjectured 
that their alarm had been caused by them, and very 
merrily returned to the fire, and lay down to sleep a*^ 
before. As soon as I perceived nay enemies so dis- 



35 

posed of, with mere cautious step and silent tread I 
pursued my course, sweating (though winter, and 
severely cold) with the fear I had just been relieved 
from. Bruised, cut, mangled, and terrified as I was, 
I still, through the divine assistance, was enabled to 
pursue my journey until break of day, when think- 
ing myself far off from any of those miscreants I so 
much dreaded, I lay down under a great log, and 
slept undisturbed till about noon, when getting up, 
I reached the summit of a great hill with some diffi- 
culty, and looking out if I could spy any inhabitants 
of white people, to my unutterable joy I saw some, 
which I guessed to be about ten miles distance. 

This pleasure was in some measure abated by my 
not being able to get among them that night ; there- 
fore, when evening approached, I again recommend- 
ed myself to the Almighty, and composed my weary 
mangled li^ibs to rest. In the morning, as soon as 
I awoke, i continued my journey towards the near- 
est cleared lands I had seen the day before, and 
about four o' clock in the afternoon arrived at the 
house of John Bell, an old acquaintance, where, 
knocking at the door, his wife, who opened it, see- 
ing me in such a frightful condition, flew from me 
like lightning, screaming into the house. This 
alarmed the whole family, who immediately fled to 
their arms, and I was soon accosted by the master 
with his gun in his hand. But on my assuring him 
of my innocence as to any wicked intentions, and 
making myself known (for he before took me to be 
an Indian), he immediately caressed me, as did also 
his family, with a deal of friendship, at finding me 
alive ; they having all been informed of my being 
murdered by the savages some months before. No 
longer now able to support my fatigued and worn- 
out spirits, I fainted and fell to the ground. From 
which state having recovered me, and perceiving 
the weak and famished condition I then was in, 
they seen rave me some refreshment, but let me 

1**9 



3G 

partake of it very sparingly, fearing the ill effects 
too much would have on me. They for two or three 
nights very affectionately supplied me with all ne- 
cessaries, and carefully attended me until my spi- 
rits and limbs were pretty well recruited, and I 
thought myself able to ride, when I borrowed of 
these good people (whose kindness merits my most 
grateful return) a horse and some clothes, and set 
forward for my father-in-law's house in Chester 
county, about 140 miles from thence, where 1 ar- 
rived on the 4th day of January, 1755 ; but scarce 
one of the family could credit their eyes, believing, 
with the people I had lately left, that 1 had fallen 
a prey to the Indians. 

Great was the joy and satisfaction wherewith I 
was received and embraced by the whole family; 
but oh, what was my anguish and trouble, when on 
enquiring for my dear wife, I found she had been 
dead near two months ! This fatal ne rs, as every 
humane reader must imagine, greatly lessened the 
joy and rapture I otherwise should have felt at my 
deliverance from the dreadful state of captivity I 
had been in. 

The news of my happy arrival at my father-in- 
law's house, after so long and strange an absence, 
was soon spread round the neighbouring planta- 
tions, by the country people who continually visited 
me, being very desirous of hearing and eagerly en- 
quiring an account of my treatment and manner of 
living among the Indians ; in ail which I satisfied 
them. Soon after this my arrival, I was sent for by 
his excellency Mr Morris, the governor, a worthy 
gentleman, who examined me very particularly as 
to all incidents relating to my captivity, and espe- 
cially in regard to the Indians, who had first taken 
me away, whether they were French or English 
parties. I assured his excellency they were of those 
who professed themselves to be friends of the for- 
mer : and informed him of the many barbarous and 



37 

inhuman actions I had been witness to among tliem, 
on the frontiers of the province ; and also that they 
were daily increasing, by others of our pretended 
friends joining him ; that they were all well sup- 
plied by the French with arms and ammunition, 
and greatly encouraged by them in their continual 
excursions and barbarities, not only in having ex- 
traordinary premiums for such scalps as they should 
take and carry home with them at their return, but 

freat presents of all kinds, besides rum, powder, 
all, &c. before they sallied forth. Having satisfied 
his excellency in such particulars as he requested, 
the same being put into writing, I swore to the con- 
tents thereof, as may be seen by those who doubt 
of my veracity, in the public papers of that time, 
as well in England as in Philadelphia. Having done 
with me, Mr Morris gave me three pounds, and sent 
the affidavit to the assembly, who were then sitting 
in the state-house at Philadelphia, concluding on 
proper measures to check the depredations of the 
savages, and put a stop to their barbarous hostilities 
on the distressed inhabitants, who daily suffered 
death in a most deplorable condition ; besides being 
obliged to abscond their plantations, and the coun- 
try being left desolate for several hundred miles on 
the frontiers, and the poor sufferers could have no 
relief, by reason of the disputes between the gover- 
nor and the assembly. The former was led by the 
instructions of the proprietor, which was entirely 
against the interest of the province, so that it caused 
great confusion among the people to see the coun- 
try so destroyed, and no preparations making for 
its defence. 

However, on receiving this intelligence from his 
excellency, they immediately sent for me. When 
I arrived, I was conducted into the lower house, 
where the assembly then sat, and was there inter- 
rogated by the speaker, very particularly, as to all 
I had before given the governor an account. of. This 



38 

my first examination lasted three hours. The next 
day I underwent a second for about an hour and a 
half, when I was courteously dismissed, with a pro- 
mise that all proper methods should be taken, not 
only to accommodate and reimburse all those who 
had suffered by the savages, but to prevent them 
from committing the like hostilities for the future. 

Now returned, and once more at liberty to pur- 
sue my own inclinations, I was persuaded by my 
father-in-law and friends to follow some employment 
or other ; but the plantation from whence I was 
taken, though an exceeding good one, could not 
tempt me to settle on it again. What my fate would 
have been if I had, may easily be conceived. And 
there being at this time (as the assembly too late for 
many of us found) a necessity for raising men to 
check those barbarians in their ravaging depreda- 
tions, I enlisted myself as one, with the greatest 
alacrity and most determined resolution to exert the 
utmost of my power in being revenged on the hellish 
authors of my ruin. General Shirley, governor of 
New England, and commander-in-chief of his Ma- 
jesty's land forces in North America, was pitched 
upon to direct the operations of the war in that part 
of the world. 

Into a regiment immediately under the command 
of this general, was it my lot to be placed for three 
years. This regiment was intended for the fron- 
tiers, to destroy the forts erected by the French, as 
soon as it should be completely furnished with arms, 
&c. at Boston in New England, where it was or- 
dered for that purpose. Being then very weak and 
infirm in body, though possessed of my resolution, 
it was thought advisable to leave me for two months 
in winter quarters. At the end of which, being 
pretty well recruited in strength, I set out for Bos- 
ton to join the regiment, with some others likewise 
left behind : and after crossing the river Delaware, 
we arrived at New Jersey, and Irom thence pro- 



39 

ceeded through the same hy New York* Middle 
town, Mendon in Conneeticut, to Boston, where 
we arrived about the end of March, and found the 
regiment ready to receive us. 

Boston, being the capital of New England, and 
the largest city in America, except two or three on 
the Spanish continent, I shall here subjoin a short 
account of it. 

It is pleasantly situated, and about four miles in 
compass, at the bottom of Massaehuset's Bay, into 
which there is but one common and safe passage. 
and not very broad, there being scarce room for 
the anchorage of 500 sail. It is guarded by several 
rocks, and above a dozen islands ; the most remark 
able of these islands is Castle Island, which stand: 
about a league from the town, and so situated that 
no ship of burden can approach the town, without 
the hazard of being shattered in pieces by its can- 
non. It is now called Fort William, and mounted 
with 100 pieces of ordnance ; 200 more, which were 
given to the province by Queen Anne, are placed 
on a platform, so as to rake a ship fore and aft, be- 
fore she can bring about her broadsides to bear 
against the castle. Some of these cannon are 42 
pounders ; 500 able men are exempted from all mi- 
litary duty in time of war, to be ready, at an hour's 
warning, to attend the service of the castle, upon 
a signal of the approach of an enemy, which there 
seems to be no great danger of at Boston ; where 
in 24 hours time, 10,000 effective men, well armed, 
might be ready for their defence. According to a 
computation of the collectors of the Light-house, it 
appeared there were 24,000 tons of shipping cleared 
annually. 

The pier is at the bottom of the bay, 2000 feet 
long, and runs so far into the bay, that ships of the 
greatest burden may unload without the help of 
boats or lighters. At the upper end of the chief 
street in the town, which comes down to the head 



40 

of the pier, is the Town House, or Exchange, a 
fine building, containing, besides the walk for mer- 
chants, the Council Chamber, the House of Com- 
mons, and a spacious room for the Courts of jus- 
tice. The Exchange is surrounded with booksel- 
lers' shops that have a good trade — here being five 
printing-houses, and the presses generally full of 
work, which is in a great measure owing to the 
colleges and schools in New England ; and likewise 
at New York and Philadelphia, there are several 
printing-houses lately erected, and booksellers con- 
stantly employed, as well as at Virginia, Mary- 
land, South Carolina, Barbadoes, and the Sugar 
Islands. 

The town lies in the form of a half-moon, round 
the harbour, and consisting of about 4000 houses, 
must make an agreeable prospect ; the surrounding 
shore being high, the streets long, and the build- 
ings beautiful. The pavement is kept in so good 
order, that to gallop a horse on it is 3s. 4d. forfeit. 
The number of inhabitants is computed at about 
24,000. 

There are eight churches, the chief of which is 
railed the Church of England church ; besides the 
Baptist Meeting, and the Quaker Meeting. 

The conversation in this town is as polite as in 
most of the cities and towns in England. A gentle- 
man of London would fancy himself at home at 
Boston, when he observes the number cf people^ 
their furniture, their tables, and dresses, which per- 
haps is as splendid and showy as that of most trades- 
men in London. 

In this city, learning military discipline, and wait- 
ing for an opportunity of carrying our schemes into 
execution, we lay till the first of July; during all 
which time, great outrages and devastations were com- 
mitted by the savages in the back parts of the province. 
One instance of which, in particular, I shall relate, as 



41 

being concerned in rewarding, according to desert, th« 
wicked authors thereof. 

Joseph Long, Esq. a gentleman of large fortune in 
those parts, who had in his time been a great warrior 
among the Indians, and frequently joined in expedi- 
tions with those in our interest, against the others. 
His many exploits and great influence amor;g several 
of the nations, were too well known to pass unreveng- 
ed by the savages against whom he had exerted his 
abilities. Accordingly, in April 1756, a body of them 
came down on his plantation, about SO miles from 
Boston, and, sculking in the woods for some time, at 
last seized an opportunity to attack his house, in which, 
unhappily proving successful, they scalped, mangled, 
and cut to pieces, the unfortunate gentleman, his 
wife, and nine servants ; and then made a general 
conflagration of his houses, barns, cattle, and every 
thing he possessed, which, with the mangled bodies, 
were all consumed in one blaze. But his more unfor- 
tunate son and daughter were made prisoners, and 
carried off by them to be reserved for greater tortures- 
Alarmed and terrified at this inhuman butchery, the 
neighbourhood, as well as the people of Boston, quick- 
ly assembled themselves to think of proper measures 
to be revenged on these execrable monsters. Among 
the first of those who offered themselver to go against 
the savages, was James Crawford, Esq. who was then 
at Boston, and heard of this tragedy ; he was a young 
gentleman who had for some years paid his addresses 
to Miss Long, and was in a very little time to have 
been married to her. Distracted, raving, and shock- 
ed as he was, he lost no time, but instantly raised 
100 resolute and bold young fellows, to go in quest of 
the villains. As I had been so long among them, and 
was pretty well acquainted with their manners and 
customs, and particularly their sculking places in the 
woods, I was recommended to him as one proper for 
his expedition ; he immediately applied to my officers^ 
and got liberty for rae. Never did I go on any enter- 



41 

rise with half that alacrity and cheerfulness I new 
went with this party. My wrongs and sufferings were 

do recent in my memory to suffer me to hesitate a 
moment in taking an opportunity of being revenged 
to the utmost of my power. 

Being quickly armed and provided, we hastened for- 
ward for Mr Long's plantation on the 29th, and after 
travelling the most remote and intricate paths through 
the woods, arrived there the 2d of May, dubious of 
our success, and almost despairing of meeting with 
the savages, as we had heard or could discover noth- 
ing of them in our march. In the afternoon, some 
of our men being sent to the top of a hill to look out 
for them, soon perceived a great smoke in a part of the 
low grounds. This we immediately and rightly con- 
jectured to proceed from a fire made by them. We 
accordingly put ourselves into regular order, and 
marched forwards, resolving, let their number have 
been what it might, to give them battle. 

Arriving within a mile of the place, Captain Craw- 
ford, whose anxiety and pain made him quicker sight- 
ed than any of the rest, soon perceived them, and 
guessed their number to be about 50. Upon this we 
halted, and secreted ourselves as well as we could, till 
12 o'clock at night. At w r hich time, supposing them 
to be at rest, we divided our men into two divisions, 
50 in each, and marched on ; when coming within 
twenty yards of them, the captain fired his gun, which 
was immediately followed by both divisions in succes- 
sion, who, instantly rushing en them with bayonets 
lixed, killed every man of them. 

Great as our joy was, and flushed with success as 
we were at this sudden victory, no heart among us but 

.vas ready to burst at the sight of the young lady. 
What must the thoughts, torments, and sensations 
of our brave captain then be, if even we, who knew 
her not, were so sensibly affected ! For, oh ! what 
breast, though of the brutal savage race we had just 
destroyed, could, without feeling the most exquisite 



43 

grief and pain, behold in such Infernal power, a lady 
in the bloom of youth, blest with every female ac- 
complishment that could set off the most exquisite 
beauty ! Beauty, which rendered her the envy of 
her own sex and the delight of ours, enduring the 
severity of a windy, rainy night ! Behold one nur- 
tured in the most lender manner, and by the most 
indulgent parents, qiute naked, and in the open 
woods, encircling with her alabaster arms and hands 
a cold rough tree, whereto she was bound, with 
cords so straitly pulled that the blood trickled from 
her finger ends ! Her lovely tender body, and deli- 
cate limbs, cut, bruised, and torn with stones and 
boughs of trees, as she had been dragged along, and 
all besmeared with blood ! What heart can even 
now, unmoved, think of her distress, in such a de- 
plorable condition ; having no creature, with the 
least sensations of humanity, near to succour or re- 
lieve her, or even pity or regard her flowing tears, 
and lamentable wailings ! 

The very remembrance of the sight has, at this 
instant, such an effect upon me that I almost want 
words to go on. Such then was the condition in 
which we found this wretched fair, but faint and 
speechless with the shock our firing had given her 
tender frame. The captain, for a long time, could 
do nothing but gaze upon and clasp her to his bos- 
om, crying, raving, and tearing his hair like one be- 
reft of his senses ; nor did he for some time perceive 
the lifeless condition she was in, until one of the 
men had untied her lovely mangled arms and she 
fell to the ground. Finding among the villains' 
plunder the unhappy lady's clothes,"he gently put 
some of them about her ; and after various trials, and 
much time spent, recovered her dissipated spirits, 
the repossession of which she first manifested by 
eagerly fixing her eyes on her dear deliverer, and, 
smiling with the most complacent joy, blessed the 
Almighty and him for her miraculous deliverance, 

D 



44 

During this pleasing, painful interview, our men 
were busily employed in cutting, hacking, and scalp- 
ing the dead Indians ; and so desirous was every 
man to have a share in wreaking his revenge on 
them, that disputes happened among ourselves, who 
should be the instruments of further shewing it on 
their lifeless trunks, there not being enough for 
every man to have one wherewith to satiate him- 
self: the captain observing the animosity between 
us on this occasion, ordered that the two divisions 
should cast lots for this bloody, though agreeable 
piece of work : which being accordingly done, the 
party whose lot it was to be excluded from this bu- 
siness stood by with half-pleased countenances, 
looking on the res-t; who, with the utmost cheerful- 
ness and activity, pursued their revenge, in scalp- 
ing, and otherwise treating their dead bodies as the 
most inveterate hatred and detestation could suggest. 

The work being done, we thought of steering 
homewards triumphant with the fifty scalps ; but 
how to get the lady forwards, who was in such a 
condition as rendered her incapable of walking fur- 
ther, gave us some pain, and retarded us a little, un- 
til we made a sort of carriage to seat her on ; and 
then, with the greatest readiness, we took our turns, 
four at a time, and carried her along. This, in some 
measure, made the captain cheerful, who all the 
way endeavoured to comfort and revive his despond- 
ing afflicted mistress : but, alas ! in vain, for the 
miseries she had lately felt, and the terrible fate of 
her poor brother, of whom I doubt not but the ten- 
der-hearted reader is anxious to hear, rendered even 
her most pleasing tnoughts, notwithstanding his 
soothing words, corroding and insufferable. 

The account she gave of their disastrous fate and 
dire catastrophe, besides what I have already men- 
tioned, was, that the savages had no sooner seen all 
consumed, but they hurried off with her and her 
|>rpthei\ pushing, and sometimes dragging them on, 



45 

for four or five miles, when theystopt; and strip- 
ping her naked, treated her in a shocking manner, 
whilst others were stripping and cruelly whipping 
her unhappy brother. After which, they, in the 
same manner, pursued their journey, regardless of 
the tears, prayers, or entreaties of this wretched 
pair ; but with the most infernal pleasure, laughed 
and rejoiced at the calamities and distresses they 
had brought thern to, and saw them suffer, until 
they arrived at the place we found them ; where 
they had that day butchered her beloved brother in 
the following execrable and cruel manner: they 
first scalped him alive, and after mocking his ago- 
nizing groans and torments, for some hours, ripped 
open his belly, into which they put splinters and 
chips of pine trees, and set lire thereto ; the same 
(on account of the turpentine wherewith these trees 
abound) burnt with great quickness and fury for a 
little time, during which, he remained in a manner 
alive, as she could sometimes perceive him to move 
his head, and groan.— They then piled a great 
quantity of wood all around his body, and consumed 
it to ashes. 

Thus did these barbarians put an end to the 
being of this unhappy young gentleman, who was 
only 22 years of age when he met his calamitous 
fate. She continued her relation, by acquainting 
us that the next day was to have seen her perish in 
the like manner, after suffering worse than even 
such a terrible death, the satisfying these diabolical 
miscreants in their brutal lust. But it pleased the 
Almighty to permit us to rescue her, and entirely 
to extirpate this crew of devils ! 

Marching easily on her account, we returned to 
the captain's plantation the 6th of May, where, as 
well as at Boston, we were joyfully received, and 
rewarded handsomely for the scalps of those sa- 
vages we had brought with us. Mr Crawford and 
Miss Long were soon after married ; and, in grati- 



46 

fade to the services we" had done them, the whole 
party was invited to the wedding, and nobly enter- 
tained ; bnt no riotous or noisy mirth was al- 
lowed, the young lady w r e may well imagine, being 
still under great affliction, and in a weak state of 
health. 

Nothing further material, that I now remember, 
happened during my stay at Boston ; to proceed, 
therefore, with the continuation of our intended 
expedition. 

On the 1st of July, the regiment began their 
march for Oswego. The 21st we arrived at Albany, 
in New York, through Cambridge, Northampton, 
and Hadfield, in New England. From thence, 
marching about 20 miles farther, we encamped 
near the mouth of the Mohawk river, by a town 
called Schenectady, not far from the Endless Moun- 
tains. Here did we lie some time, until batteaux 
(a sort of flat-bottomed boats, very small, and sharp 
at both ends) could be got to carry our stores and 
provisions to Oswego ; each of which would con- 
tain about six barrels of pork, or in proportion 
thereto. Two men belonged to every batteaux, 
who made use of strong scutting poles, with iron at 
the ends, to prevent their being too soon destroyed 
by the stones in the river (one of the sources of the 
Ohio), which abounded with many, and large ones, 
and in some places was so shallow, that the men 
were forced to wade and drag their batteaux after 
them. Which, together with some cataracts, or 
great falls of w r ater, rendered this duty very hard 
and fatiguing, not being able to travel more than 
seven or eight English miles a-day, until they came 
to the great carrying place, at Wood's Creek, where 
the provisions and batteaux were taken out, and 
carried about four miles to Alliganey, or Ohio great 
river, that runs quite to Oswego, to which place 
General Shirley got with part of the forces on the 
Sth of August; but Colonel Mercer with the rfe- 






47 

mainder, did not arrive until the 31st. Here we 
found Colonel Schuyler with his regiment of New 
Jersey provincials, w T ho had arrived there some 
time before. A short description of a place which 
has afforded so much occasion for animadversion, 
may not here be altogether disagreeable to those 
unacquainted with our settlements in that part of 
the world. 

Oswego is situated N. lat. 43 deg. 20 min. near 
the mouth of the river Onondago, on the south side 
of the lake Ontario, or Cataraque. There was 
generally a fort and constant garrison of regular 
troops kept before our arrival. In the proper sea- 
sons, a fair for the Indian trade is kept here : In- 
dians of about twenty different nations have been 
observed here at a time. The greatest part of the 
trade between Canada and the Indians of the Great 
Lakes, and some parts of the Mississippi, pass near 
this fort ; the nearest and safest way of carrying 
goods upon this lake being along the south side of if. 
The distance from Albany to Oswego fort is about 
300 miles west ; to render which march more com- 
fortable, we met with many good farms and settle- 
in ents by the way. The Outawaes, a great and 
powerful nation, living upon the Outawae river y 
which joins the Cataraque river (the outlet of the 
great lake), deal considerably with the New York 
trading houses here. 

The different nations trading to Oswego are dis- 
tinguishable by the variety and different fashions of 
their canoes ; the very remote Indians are clothed 
in skins of various sorts, and have all fire-arms ; 
some come so far north as Port Nelson in Hudson's 
Bay, N. lat. 57. deg. and some from the Cherokees 
west of South Carolina, in N. lat. 32. deg. This 
seems indeed to be a vast extent of inland water 
carriage, but it is only for canoes and the smallest 
of craft. 

Nor will it in this place be improper to give some 
d2 



48 

account of our friends in those pai is, whom we call 
the Mohawks, viz. Ihe Iroquois, commonly called 
the Mohawks, the Oneiadaes, the Onondagues. tln j 
Caybgaes, and the Senekaes. In all accounts they 
are called the Six Nations of the New York Friend- 
ly Indians ; the Tnscaroroes, stragglers from the 
old Tuscararoes of North Carolina, lately are rec- 
koned as the sixtii. I shall here reckon them as 
i have been informed they were formerly. — 1. The 
Mohawks : they live upon the Mohawk's or Sche- 
nectady river, and head or ly north of New York. 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and some part of Vir- 
ginia : having a castle or village, westward from 
Albany 40 miles, and another 65 miles west, and 
about 1G0 fencible men. — 2. The Oneiacles, about 
SO miles from the Mohawks second village, consist- 
ing of about 200 figkting men. — 3. The Ononda- 
. about 25 miles further, (the famous Oswego, 
a trading place on the lake Ontario, is in their 
couniry) consisting of about 250 men. — I. The 
Cayugaes, about 70 miles further, of about 130 
men: and, 5. the Senekaes, who reach a great way 
down the river Susquehana, consist of about 700 
inarching, lighting men : so that the fighting men 
of the five or six nations of Mohawks may be rec- 
koned at 1500 men, and extend from Albany, west 
400 miles, lying in about 30 tribes or governments. 
Besides these, there is settled above Montreal, which 
lies N. E. of Oswego, a tribe of scoundrels, runa- 
ways from the Mohawks : they are called Kahnu- 
ages, consisting of about SO men. This short ac- 
count of these nations I think necessary to make 
the English reader acquainted with, as I may have 
occasion to mention things concerning: sotne of fhe'm. 
It may not be improper here also, to give a suc- 
cinct detail of the education, manners, religion. &c. 
of the natives. The Indians are born tolerably 
white ; Imi they take a great deal of pains to dark- 
en their complexion by anointing fcheinselves with 



49 

grease and lying in the sun. Their features are 
good, especially those of the women. Their limhs 
clean, straight, and well proportioned, and a crook- 
ed and deformed person is a great rarity amongst 
them. They are very ingenious in their way, be- 
ing neither so ignorant nor so innocent as some 
people imagine : On the contrary, a very under- 
standing generation are they, quick of apprehen- 
sion, sudden in dispatch, subtle in their dealings, 
exquisite in their inventions, and in labour assidu- 
ous. The world has no better marksmen with guns, 
or bows and arrows, than the natives, who can kill 
birds flying, fishes swimming, and wild beasts run- 
ning ; nay, with such prodigious force do they dis- 
charge their arrows, that one of them will shoot a man 
quite through, and nail both his arms to his body 
with the same arrow. 

As to their religion, in order to reconcile the dif- 
ferent accounts exhibited by travellers, we must silp- 
pose that different tribes may have different notions 
and different rites : and though I do not think my- 
self capable of determining the case with the pre- 
cision and accuracy I could wish ; yet, with what 
1 have collected from my own observation when 
among them, and the information of my brother 
captives, who have been longer conversant with the 
Indians than I was, I shall readily give the public 
all the satisfaction I can. 

Some assures us the Indians worship the images 
of some inferior deities whose anger they seem to 
dread ; on which account, the generality of our tra- 
vellers denominate the objects of their devotion 
devils; though, at the same time, it is allowed, 
{hey pray to their inferior deities for success in all 
their undertakings, for plenty of food, and other 
necessaries of life. It appears too, that they ac- 
knowledge one Supreme Being ; but him they adore 
not, because they believe he is too far exalted a- 
bove'ihei!i;and too happy in himself, lobe concern- 



50 

ed about the trifling affairs of poor mortals. They 
seem also to believe in a future state : and that after 
death, they will be removed to their friends who 
have gone before them, to an Elysium or Paradise 
beyond the "Western Mountains : others again, al- 
low them either no religion at all, or at most, very 
faint ideas of a deity : hut all agree that they are 
extravagantly superstitious, and exceedingly afraid 
of evil spirits. To these demons they make obla- 
tions every new moon, for the space of seven days : 
during which time they cast lots, and sacrifice one 
of themselves, putting the person devoted to the 
most exquisite misery they can invent, in order to 
satisfy the devil for that moon ; for they tliink, if 
they please but the evil spirit, God will do them no 
hurt. 

Certain, however, it is, that those Indians, whom 
the French priests have had an opportunity of mini- 
stering unto, are induced to believe, " That the son 
of God came into the world to save all mankind, 
and destroy all evil spirits that now trouble them ; 
that the English have killed him ; and that ever 
since, the evil spirits are permitted to walk on the 
earth : that if the English were all destroyed, the 
Son of the Good Man, who is God, would come a- 
gain, and banish all evil spirits from their lands, 
and then they would have nothing to fear or disturb 
them. Cajoled by these false but artful insinua- 
tions of the French Jesuits, the Indians from that 
time,' have endeavoured to massacre all the English, 
in order that the Son of God might come again on 
the earth, and rid them from their slavish fears and 
terible apprehensions, by exterminating the objects 
thereof. 

Being now at Oswego, the principal object that 
gave at that time any concern to the Americans, I 
shall, before I continue my own account, give a 
short recital of what had been done in these parts, 
in regard to the defence and preservation of the 



51 

fort and the colonies thereabouts, before I came, 
upon such authorities as I got from those who had 
been long at Oswego, and 1 can well depend upon 
tor truth. 

General Shirley, in 1751, having erected two new 
forts on the river Onondaga, it seemed probable 
that he intended to winter at Oswego with his whole 
army, that he might the more readily proceed to 
action the ensuing spring. What produced his in- 
activity afterwards, and how it was that fort Oswego 
was not taken by the French in the spring 1755, are 
tilings my penetration will not enable me to discuss. 
But Oswego is now lost, and would have been so 
in the spring of 1755, if more important affairs had 
not made the French neglect it. At this time the 
garrison of Oswego consisted only of 100 men, under 
Captain King. The old fort being their only pro- 
tection, which mounted only eight four-pounders. 
was incapable of defence because it was command- 
ed by an eminence directly across a narrow river, 
the banks or which were covered with thick wood. 

In May 1755, Oswego being in this condition, and 
thus garrisoned, thirty French batteaux were seen 
to pass, and two days after eleven more ; each bai- 
teau (being much larger than ours) containing fif- 
teen men ; so this fleet consisted of near 600 men, 
a force which y with a single mortar, might soon 
have taken possession of the place. 

A resolution was now taken to make the fort 
larger, and erect some new ones ; to build vessels 
upon the lake ; to increase the garrison ; and pro- 
vide every thing necessary to annoy the enemy, so 
as they might render the place tenable. Captain 
Broadstreet arriving on the 27th of May at the Fort, 
with tw r o companies, some small swivel guns, and 
the first parcel of workmen, made some imagine 
that a stop would be put to the French in their car- 
rying men in the sight of the garrison ; yet they still 
permitted eleven more French batteaux to pass by, 



52 

though we were then superior to them in these boats, 
or at least in number. The reason our forces could 
not attack them was, because they were four miles 
in the offing, on board large vessels, in which the 
soldiers could stand to fire without being overset ; 
and our batteaux, in which we must have attacked 
them, were so small, that they would contain only 
six men each, and so ticklish, that the inadvertent 
motion of one man would overset them. No care, 
however, was taken to provide larger boats against 
another emergency of the same kind. At Oswego, 
indeed, it was impracticable for want of iron work; 
such being the provident forecast of those who had 
the management of affairs, that though there were 
smiths enow, yet there was at this place but one. 
pair of bellows, so that the first accident that should 
happen to that necessary instrument, would stop all 
the operations of the forge at once. 

The beginning of June, the ship-carpenters ar- 
rived from Boston, and on the 2Sth of the same 
month the first vessel we ever had on the lake On- 
tario was launched and fitted out. She was a 
schooner, forty feet in the keel, had fourteen oars, 
and twelve swivel guns. This vessel, and 320 men, 
was all the force we had at Oswego the beginning 
of July, and was victualled at the expense of the 
province of New York. Happy indeed it was that 
the colony provisions were there ; for so little care 
had been taken to get the king's provisions sent up, 
that, when we arrived, we must have perished with 
famine, had not we found a supply which we had 
little reason to expect. 

About the middle of July, an attack was again 
expected, when we (the forces under General Shir- 
ley) were still near 300 miles distant. And if the 
attack had been made with the force the enemy was 
known to have had at hand, it must, for the reason 
I have just before given, have fallen into their pos- 
session. 



53 

Such was the state of Oswego, when we arrived 
there ; where we had been but a short time before 
provisions began to be very scarce ; and the King's 
allowance being still delayed, the provincial stores 
were soon exhausted, and we were in danger of 
being soon famished, being on less than half allow- 
ance. The men being likewise worn out and fa- 
tigued with the long march they had suffered, and 
being without rum, (or allowed none at least) and 
other proper nutriment, many fell sick of the flux, 
and died ; so that our regiment was greatly reduced 
in six weeks' time. A party that we left at the 
important carrying place, at Wood's Creek, being 
absolutely obliged to desert it for want of neces- 
saries. 

Sickness, death, and desertion had at length so 
far reduced us, that we had scarce men enough to 
perform duty, and protect those that were daily at 
work. The Indians keeping a strict look-out, ren- 
dered every one who passed the out-guards or cen- 
tinels, in danger of being scalped or murdered. To 
prevent consequences like these, a captain's guard 
of sixteen men, with two lieutenants, two Serjeants, 
two corporals, and one drr.m, besides two flank 
guards of a Serjeant, corporal, and twelve men in 
each, were daily mounted, and did duty as well as 
able. Scouting parties were likewise sent out every 
day; but the sickness still continuing, and having 
300 men at work, we were obliged to lessen our 
guards, till General Pepperell's regiment joined us. 

A little diligence being now made use of, about 
the middle of September, four other vessels were 
got ready, viz. a decked sloop of eight guns, four 
pounders, and thirty swivels ; a decked schooner, 
eight guns, four pounders, and twenty-eight swivels ; 
one undecked schooner of fourteen swivels, and 
fourteen oars, and another of twelve swivels and 
fourteen oars ; about 150 tons each. 

On the 24th of October, with this armament, and 



54 

a considerable number of baiteaux, which wer 
small to live upon the lake in moderate weather, 
we were preparing to attack Niagara; though (not- 
withstanding we had taken all the provisions we 
could find in Oswego, and had left the garrison be- 
hind, with scarce enough for three days) the fleet 
had not provisions sufficient on board to carry them 
within sight of the enemy, and supplies were not to 
be got within 300 miles of the place we were going 
against. However, the impracticability of succeed- 
ing in an expedition, undertaken without victuals, 
was discovered time enough to prevent our march 
or embarkation, or whatever it might be called ; but 
not before nine batteaux, laden with officers* bag- 
gage, were sent forwards, four men in each batteau. 
in one of which it was my lot to be. The men being 
weak and in low spirits with continual harrassing 
and low feeding, rendered our progress very tedious 
and difficult ; add to this the places we had to as- 
cend, for in many parts the cataracts or falls of 
water which descended near the head of the river 
Onondaga (in some places nefvr 100 feet perpen- 
dicular), rendered it almost impossible for us to pro- 
ceed ; for the current running from the bottom, was 
so rapid, that the efforts of twenty or thirty men 
were sometimes required to drag the beats along, 
and especially to get them up the hills or cataracts, 
which we were forced to do with ropes. Sometimes, 
when, with great labour and difficulty, we had got 
them up, we carried them by land near a quarter of 
a mile before we came to any water. In short, we 
found four men to a batteau were insufficient ; for 
the men belonging to one batteau were so fatigued 
and worn out that they could not manage her, so 
that she lay behind almost a league. 

The captain that was with us observing this, as 
soon as we had got the others over the most difficult 
falls, ordered two besides myself to go and help her 
forwards. Accordingly 1 got into her, in order to 



55 

steer .her, whilst my two comrades ami her own crew 
dragged her along. When we got her into any cata- 
racts^ I remained in her to fasten the ropes and 
keep all safe whilst they hauled her up ; hut draw- 
ing her to the summit of the last cataract the ropes 
gave way, and down she fell into a very rapid and 
boisterous stream, where, not being able by myself 
to work her, she stove to pieces on a small rock, on 
which some part of her remaining till morning, I 
miraculously saved myself. Never was my life in 
greater danger than in this situation, the night 
being quite dark, and no assistance to be obtained 
from any of my comrades, though many of them, as 
1 afterwards learned, made diligent search for me ; 
but the fall of the water rendered the noise that 
as well as myself, made, to be heard by one 
another, -quite inePi'ectua!. 

In the morning they, indeed, found me, but in a 
wretched condition, quite benumbed, and almost 
dead with cold, having nothing on but my shirt. 

After various efforts, having with great difficulty 
got me up, they used all proper means to recover 
my worn out spirits; but the fire had a fatal effect 
to what they intended, for my flesh swelled all over 
my body and limbs, and caused such a deprivation 
of my senses, that I fainted, and was thought by all 
to be dead. However after some time, they pretty 
well recovered my scattered senses, and fatigued 
body, and with proper care conducted me, with 
some others (who were weak and ill of the flux.) 
to Albany, where the hospital received our poor de- 
bilitated "bodies. 

The rest, not able to proceed, or being counter- 
manded, bent their course back again to Oswego; 
where, a friendly storm preventing an embarkation, 
when a stock of provisions was got together (suffi- 
cient to prevent them from eating one another, du- 
ring the first twelve days), all thoughts of attack- 
ing Nigaira were laid aside 

E 



56 

Thus ended this formidable campaign. The ves- 
sels that we had built (as I afterwards learned) were 
unrigged and laid up, without having been put *o 
any use, while a French vessel was cruising on the 
Lake, and carrying supplies to Niagara, without 
interruption ; fivefothers, as large as ours, being 
almost ready to launch at Frontenac, which lies 
across the lake Ontario, north of Oswego. 

The General, whatever appearances might have 
led others, as well as myself, to think otherwise, 
soon indicated his intention of not wintering at Os- 
wego ; for he left the place before the additional 
works were completed, and the garrison, by insen- 
sible degrees, decreased ; the 1100 men still living 
in perpetual terror, on the brink of famine, and 
become mutinous for want of their pay ; which, in 
the hurry of military business, during a year that was 
crowned with great events, had been forgotten : 
for, from my first enlisting to the time I was laid up 
at Albany, I never had received above six weeks 
pay. 

A little, indeed, may be offered in vindication of 
the General, in regard to the numberless delays of 
this campaign : viz. That it took some time to raise 
the two regiments which were in British pay, as the 
name of enlisting for life is somewhat forbidding to 
the Americans (a few of whom, as well as myself, 
made our agreement for three years ; but soon after 
that time, I doubt, we must have depended on his 
pleasure for our being discharged, according to our 
contract, had it not fallen out otherwise.) The 
unusual dryness of the summer rendered the rivers 
down to Oswego in some places impassible, or very 
difficult for the batteaux to proceed ; and it was 
whispered that a gentleman lately in an eminent 
station in New York, did all in his power to hinder 
the undertaking, from a pique to the General, By 
these disadvantages, he was detained at Albany till 
August ; and even when he did reach Oswego, he 



hi 

found himself put to no little difficulty, to maintain 
his ground for want of provisions : and the men be- 
ing so reduced, more than once, to short allowance, 
as you have seen, became troubled with the flux, 
and had not any thing necessary ; not even rum 
sufficient for the common men, to prevent the fatal 
effects of that disorder. 

In this manner the summer was spent on our 
side ; and the reason why the French did not this 
year take Oswego, when "they might with so little 
trouble, was, as many beside myself conjectured, 
that they thought it more their interest, to pursue 
their projects on the Ohio, and preserve the friend- 
ship of the confidential Indians ; which an attack' 
upon Oswego, at that time, would have destroyed. 

How far they succeeded in such their projects, 
and the reason of their successes, a little animad- 
version on our own transactions will let us into the 
light of. For, as appearances on our side were very * 
favourable in the spring, General Braddock's de- 
feat greatly increased the glocm, which sat on the 
countenances of the Americans. 

Great things being expected from him, he arrived 
early in the spring at Virginia, with a considerable 
land force ; and Fort du Quesne seemed to be our's, 
if we did but go and demand it. The attacks de- 
signed against Niagara and Fort Frederick, at Crown 
Point, were planned in the winter, and the troops 
employed against the French in Nova Scotia, em- 
barked at Boston in April. Let us view the events, 
besides those already mentioned. General Brad- 
dock was ready to march in April. But, through 
ignorance or neglect, or a misunderstanding with 
the governor of Virginia, had neither fresh provi- 
sions, horses, nor waggons provided ; and so late 
as the latter end of May, it was necessary to apply 
to Pennsylvania, for the most part of those. This 
neglect created a most pernicious diffidence and 
discredit of the Americans, in the mind of the Ge- 



58 

neral, and prevented their usefulness, where their 
advice was wanted, and produced very bad ejects, 
[le was a man (as it is now too well known and be- 
lieved) by no means of quiek apprehension, and 
could not conceive that such a people could instruct 
him : and his young counsellors prejudiced him still 
more, so as to slight his officers, and wiiat was 
worse, his enemy : as it was treated as an absurdity 
to suppose the Indians would ever attack regiil 
and, of course, no care was taken to instruct the 
men to resist their peculiar manner of fighting. 
Had this circumstance been attended to. I am fully 
persuaded 400 Indians, about the number that de- 
feated him, would have given him very little annoy- 
ance : sure I am, 400 of our people, rightiy ma- 
naged, would have made no difficulty of driving 
hetorc them four times that handful, to whom lie 
owed his defeat and death. 

The undertaking of the eastern provinces, to re- 
duce the fort at Crown Point, met that fate which 
the jarring councils of a divided people commonly 
meet with : for though the plan was concerted in 
the winter of 17^4. it was August before these petty 
governments could bring together their troops. In 
short, it must be owned by all that delays were the 
banes of our undertakings, except in the Bay of 
Fuudy in Nova Scotia, where secrecy and expedi- 
tion were rewarded with success, and that province 
reduced. 

The General continued inactive, from the time 
he left Oswego, to March 1756. when he was about 
to resume the execution of his scheme to attack 
Frontenac and Niagara. What would have been 
the issue of this project, neither myself nor any 
other person can now pretend to say, for. just at 
this crisis, he received orders from England to at- 
tempt nothing till Lord London should arrive, which 
was said should be early in the spring. However. 
iiis Lordship did not get there until the middle o>f 



59 

Juiy, so that by this delay time was given to the 
Marquis de Montcalm (Major-General Dieskan's 
successor) to arrive from France at Canada with 
3000 regular forces, and take the field before us. 

But to return from this digression to other trans- 
actions. When I was pretty well recovered again, 
1 embarked on board a vessel from Albany for New 
York ; where, when I arrived, 1 found to my sor- 
row Captain John Shirley, the General's son, had 
been dead for some time. He was a very promis- 
ing worthy young gentleman, and universally re- 
gretted. His company was given to Major James 
Kinnair, who ordered that none of his men should 
go out on the recruiting parties, as was at first in- 
tended by his predecessor; but that the private 
men should either return to Oswego, or do duty in 
the fort at New York. Not liking my station here, 
I entreated the General, who was now arrived, for 
a furlough, to see my friends at Pennsylvania, 
which he, having then no great occasion for me at 
New York, granted for three months. 

As I have here mentioned New York, and before 
given a short account of the cities of Philadelphia 
and Boston, it would be a disrespect shown to this 
elegant one not to take notice of it, as well as, in 
some measure debarring the reader from such in- 
formation as may not be disagreeable ; but not be- 
ing of that note or consequence with the others, 1 
shall briefly observe, that 

New York is a very fine city, and the capital of 
the province of that name: it contains about 30CO 
houses, and near 9000 inhabitants. The houses 
are all well built, and the meanest of them said to 
be worth £100 sterling, which cannot be said of 
the city of the same name, nor of any other in Eng- 
land. Their conversation is polite, and their fur- 
niture, dress, and manner of living, quite elegant. 
In drinking and gallantry they exceed any city in 
America. 

e2 



60 

The great church is a very handsome edifice, and 
built in 1695. Here is also a Dutch church, a 
French church, and a Lutheran church. The in- 
habitants of Dutch extraction make a considerable 
part of the town, and most of them speak English. 

Having obtained my furlough, I immediately set 
out for Pennsylvania, and arriving at Philadelphia 
found the consternation and terror of the inhabitants 
was greatly increased to what it was when I left 
them. They had made several treaties of friend- 
ship with the Indians, who, when well supplied with 
arms, ammunition, clothes, and other necessaries, 
through the pacific measures and defenceless state 
of the Philadelphians, soon revolted to the French, 
and committed great ravages on the back parts of 
the province, destroying and massacring men, wo- 
men, and children, and every thing that unhappily 
lay in their way. 

A few instances of which, together with the be- 
haviour of the Philadelphians on these occasions, I 
shall here present the reader with, who, of what- 
ever sect or profession, I am well assured, must 
condemn the pacific disposition, and private fac- 
tions that then reigned, not only in the a y, but 

among the magistrates tkem selves ; who were a 
long time before they could agree on proper peti- 
tions, to rouse the assembly from the lethargic and 
inactive condition they absolutely remained in. 

For, about the middle of October, a large body 
of Indians, chiefly Shawonoese, Delawares, &c. fell 
upon this province from several quarters, almost 
at the same instant murdering, burning, and laying 
waste all wherever the}^ came ; so that in the five 
counties of Cumberland, York, Lancaster, Berks., 
and Northampton, which compose more than half 
the province, nothing but scenes of destruction and 
desolation were to be seen. 

The damages which these counties had sustained 
by (lie desertion of plantation^ is not to be reckon- 



61 

ed up. nor are the miseries of the poor inhabitants 
to be described ; many of whom, though escaping 
with hfe, were, without a moment's warning, driven 
from these habitations, where they enjoyed every 
necessary of life, and were then exposed to all the 
severity of a hard winter, and obliged to solicit 
their very bread at the cold hand of charity, or pe- 
rish with hunger, under the inclement air. 

To these barbarities I have already mentioned, I 
cannot pass over the following, as introductory 
causes of the Philadelphians at last withstanding 
the outrages of the barbarians. 

At Guadenhutten, a small Moravian settlement 
in Northampton county, the poor unhappy suffer- 
ers were sitting round their peaceful supper, when 
the Inhuman murderers, muffled in the shades of 
night, dark and horrid as the infernal purposes of 
their diabolical souls, stole upon them, butchered, 
scalped them, and consumed their bodies, together 
with their horses, stock, and upwards of" sixty head 
of (at cattle (intended for the subsistence of the bre- 
thren at Bethlehem), all in one general flame ; so 
that next morning furnished only a melancholy 
spectacle of their mingled ashes. 

At the Great Cove in Cumberland, at Tulpehock- 
|n in Berks, and in several other places, their bar- 
barities were sti'l greater, if possible. Men, wo- 
men, children, and brute beasts, shared one com- 
mon destruction ; and where they were not burnt 
to ashes, their mangled limbs were found promis- 
cuously thrown upon the ground ; those appertain- 
ing to the human form scarce to be distinguished 
from the brute ! 

But, of all the instances of the barbarities I heard 
of in these parts, 1 could not help being most af- 
fected with the following: One family, consisting 
of the husband, his wife, and a child only a lew 
hours old v were all found murdered and scalped in 
this manner: The mother stretched on the bed, 



62 

with her new-born child horribly mangled and put 
under her head for a pillow, while the husband lay- 
on the ground hard by, with his belly ript up, and 
his bowels laid open. 

In another place, a woman, with her sucking 
child, finding that she had fallen into the hands of 
the enemy, fell Hat on her face, prompted by the 
strong call of nature to cover and shelter her inno- 
cent child with her own body. The accursed sa- 
vage rushed from his lurking place, struck her on 
the head with his tomahawk, tore off her scalp, and 
scoured back into the woods, without observing the 
child, being apprehensive that ne was discovered. 
The child was found some time afterwards under 
the body of its mother, and was then alive. 

Many of their young women were carried by the 
savages into captivity, reserved perhaps for a worse 
fate than those who suffered death in all its horrid 
shapes ; and no wonder, since they were reserved 
by savages, whose tender mercies might be counted 
more cruel than their very cruelty itself. 

Yet even during all this time, this province (had 
things been properly ordered) need but, in compa- 
rison to her strength, have lifted her foot and 
crushed all the French force on their borders ; but 
unused to such undertakings, and bound by non- 
resisting principles from exerting her strength, and 
involved in disputes with the proprietors, they stood 
still, vainly hoping the French would be so mode- 
rate as to be content with their victory over Brad- 
dock, or at least confine their attacks to Virginia ; 
but they then saw and felt all this was delusion, and 
the barbarities of the Indian parties headed by 
French oiiicers : Notwithstanding all which, they 
continued in domestic debates, without a soldier in 
pay, or a penny in the treasury. In short, if the 
enemy had then had but 1500 men at the Ohio, and 
would have attempted it, no rashness could have 



63 

been perceived in their marching down to the city 
of Philadelphia. 

Thus stood our affairs on the Ohio, when an old 
captain of the warriors, in the interest of the Phila- 
delphians, and their ever faithful friend, whose 
name was Scarooyada, alias Monokatoathy, on the 
first notice of these misfortunes, came hastening to 
Philadelphia, together with Colonel Weiser, the 
provincial interpreter, aad two other Indian chiefs. 
Scarooyada immediately demanded an audience of 
the assembly, who were then sitting, to w T hom he 
spoke in a very affecting manner. His speeches 
being printed, and sold about Philadelphia, I pro- 
cured one of them, which was as follows : 

" Brethren, 

" We are once more come among you, and sin- 
cerely condole with you on account of the late 
bloodshed, and the awful cloud that hangs over 
you and over us. Brethren, you may be undoubt- 
edly assured, that these horrid actions were com- 
mitted by none of those nations that have any fel- 
lowship with us, but by certain false-hearted and 
treacherous brethren. It grieves us more than all 
our other misfortunes, that any of our good friends 
the English should suspect us of having false hearts. 

" Brethren, 
u If you were not an infatuated people, we are 300 
warriors firm to your interest ; and if you are so 
unjust to us, as to retain any doubts of our since- 
rity, we offer to put our wives, our children, and 
all we have into your hands, to deal with them as 
seemeth good to you, if we are found in the least 
to swerve from you. But, brethren, you must sup- 
port and assist us, for we are not able to fight alone 
against the powerful nations who are coming against 
you ; tiiid you must this moment resolve, and give 
us an explicit answer what you will do : For these 



64 

nations have sent to desire us, as old friends, cither 
to join them, or get out of their way, and shift for 
ourselves. Alas ! brethren, we are sorry to leave 
you ! We remember the many tokens of your friend- 
ship to us : But what shall we do ? We cannot stand 
alone, and you will not stand with us ! 

" Brethren, 

" The time is precious. While we are here con- 
sulting with you, we know not what may be the 
fate of our brethren at home. We do, therefore, 
once more invite and request you to act like men, 
and be no longer as women, pursuing weak mea- 
sures that render your names despicable. If you 
will put the hatchet * into your hands, and send 
out a number of your young men, in conjunction 
with our warriors, and provide the necessary arms, 
ammunition, and provisions, and likewise build 
some strong houses for the protection of our old 
men, women, and children, while we are absent in 
war, we shall soon wipe the tears from your eyes, 
and make these false-hearted brethren repent their 
treachery and baseness towards you and towards us. 

" But we must at the same time solemnly assura 
you, that if you delay any longer to act in conjunc- 
tion with us, or think to put us off, as usual, with 
uncertain hopes, you must not expect to see our 
faces under this roof any more. We must shift for 
our own safety, and leave you to the mercy of our 
enemies, as an infatuated people, upon whom we 
can have no longer dependance." 

The tears stood in the old man's eyes, while he 
delivered this last part ; and no wonder, since the 
very being of his nation depended upon their join- 
ing the enemy, or our enabling them immediately 
to make head against them. 

It was some time, however, before the assembly 
could be brought to consent to any vigorous mea- 

* See the note under Tomahawk— p. 1<5. 



65 

sures for their own defence. The black inhabitants 
lost all patience at their conduct. Until at length, 
the Governor exerted his utmost power, and pro- 
cured the militia and money bills to pass. By vir- 
tue of the former, the freemen of the province were 
enabled to form themselves into companies, and 
each company by a majority of votes, by way of 
ballot, to ch>;se its own officers, viz. a Captain, 
Lieutenant, and Ensign ; who, if approved of, were 
to be commissioned by the Governor. So that the 
Philadelphians were, at last, permitted to raise and 
arm themselves in their own defence. They accord- 
ingly formed themselves into companies : the Go- 
vernor signing to all gentlemen qualified, who had 
been regularly ballotted, commissions for that pur- 
pose. 

Captain Davis was one of the first who had a com- 
pany, and being desirous of my service, in order to 
instruct the irregulars in their discipline, obtained 
from the Governor a certificate to indemnify me 
from any punishment which might be adjudged by 
the regiment to which I already belonged, for with- 
out that I had not gone. Our company, which con- 
sisted of 100 men, was not completed until the 24th 
of December 1755, when, losing no time, we next 
morning marched from Philadelphia in high spirits, 
resolving to shew as little quarter to the savages as 
they had to many of us. 

Colonel Armstrong had been more expeditious, 
for he had raised 280 provincial irregulars, and 
marched a little time before against the Ogio Mora- 
vians ; but of him more hereafter. 

We arrived the 26th of December at Bethlehem, 
in the forks of the river Delaware, where, being 
kindly received by the Moravians, we loaded six 
waggons with provisions, and proceeded on to the 
Apalachinn Mountains, or Blue Hills, to a town 
called Kennorton-head, which the Moravians had 
deserted on account of the Indians. Fifty of our 



66 

men, of whom I made one, were ordered before the 
rest, to see whether the town was destroyed or not. 
Disposing them to the hest advantage, we marched 
on till we came within five miles pjf the place, which 
we found standing entire. 

Having a very "uneven rugged read to it, and not 
ahove four men able to go abreast, we were on a 
sudden alarmed by the bring of the flank guards, 
which were a little in the, rear of our van. The 
savages briskly returned their fire, and killed the 
Ensign and ten of the men, and wounded several 
others. 

Finding tins, I being chief in command, (having 
acted as Lieutenant, and received pay as such from 
my first entrance, for my trouble and duty in learn- 
ing the company) ordered the men to march on with 
all expedition to the town, and all i\ie way to 
a running fire on the enemy, as they had fallen on 
our rear. 

We would have got there in very good order, had 
it not been for a river we had to cross, and the 
weather being so excessively cold, our clothes froze 
to our bodies as soon as we got out of the water. 
However, with great difficulty Ave reached the town, 
and got into the church, with the loss of 27 men. 
There we made as good preparations for our defence 
as possibly we could, making a great fire of the 
benches, seats, and what we could find therein, to 
dry our clothes, not esteeming it the least sacrilege 
or crime, upon such an emergency. 

The Indians scon followed us into the town, and 
surrounding us, tried ail methods to burn the church, 
but our continual firing kept them off for about six 
hours, until our powder and ball were all expended. 
In the night they set several houses on fire; and 
we, dreading the consequences of being detained 
there, resolved to make one bold effort, and push 
ourselves through the savage forces, which was ac- 
cordingly done with the most undaunted courage. 



67 

The enemy fired continually on us during our re- 
treat, and killed many of our men, but in their con- 
fusion many of themselves also, it l^eing so very 
dark that we were not able to discern our own party, 
so that only five of us kept together, and got into 
the woods ; the rest, whom we left behind, I doubt, 
fell sacrifices to the savages. 

The night being so excessively cold, and having 
but few clothes with us out of the church, two of 
my comrades froze to death before we could reach 
any inhabited place. In short, we did not get any 
relief till four o'clock in the morning, when we ar- 
rived at a house that lay in the gap of the Blue 
Hills ; where our Captain had arrived with the re- 
mainder of the men and waggons the day before. 

The Captain enquiring our success, I gave him 
the melancholy detail of our unfortunate expedi- 
tion ; upon which, an express was immediately sent 
to the Governor with the account, who ordered 1600 
men to march the next morning for the same place, 
under the command of General Franklin, not only 
to bury the dead aud build a fort there, but to ex- 
tirpate the savages who infested these parts, and 
were too powerful for our small number under Cap- 
tain Davis. 

The remainder of our little party were now build- 
ing a fort at the place where we lay for our defence, 
until more assistance should arrive ; for we were 
under continual apprehensions of the Indians pur- 
suing and attacking us again. 

On the 9th cf January 1756, we were reinforced 
by General Franklin and his body, and the next day 
set out again for Kennorton-head ; where, when we 
arrived, to our great consternation, we found little 
occasion to bury our unhappy comrades, the swine 
(which in that country are vastly numerous in the 
woods) having devoured their bodies, and nothing 
but bones strewed up and down were to be seen. 
We there built a fort in the place where the old 

F 



68 

church had stood, and gave it the name of Fort 
Allen ; this was finished in six days, and in so good 
a manner, that 100 men would make great resist- 
ance against a much greater number of Indians. 

On the 18th, 1400 of us were ordered about fifteen 
miles distant from thence, on the frontiers of the 
province, where we built another fort called Fort 
Norris. In our way thither we found six men scalp- 
ed and murdered in a most cruel manner. By what 
we could discern, they had made a vigorous defence, 
the barrels and stocks of their guns being broke to 
pieces, and themselves cut and mangled in a terrible 
manner. 

From thence we were ordered to march towards a 
place called the Minnisinks, but this journey proved 
longer than we were aware of, the Indians commit- 
ting great outrages in these parts, having burnt and 
destroyed all the houses, &c. in our way. These 
tragic actions caused us to divide ourselves into se- 
veral parties, who were ordered divers ways, to cut 
oft* as many of these savages as possible. 

The day after this scheme was put into execu- 
tion, we met with a small party which we put to the 
rout, killing fourteen of them. We then made all 
possible dispatch to save some houses we saw on 
fire, but on our nearer approach found our endea- 
vour in vain ; John Swisher and his family having 
been before scalped and burnt to ashes in his own 
house. On the following night, the house of James 
TTallis underwent the same fate, himself, wife, se- 
ven children, and the rest of the family, being scalp- 
ed, and burnt therein. The houses and families of 
Philip Green and Abraham Nairne suffered in the 
like manner. Nor did the cruelty of these barba- 
rians stop here, but attacked the dwelling-house of 
George Hunter, Esq. a gentleman of considerable 
wealth, and a justice of the peace, who made a 
brave resistance, and rather than fall into the hands 
of these miscreants, chose to meet death in the 



69 

flames, which he, his wife, and all his household, 
consisting of sixteen in number, did with the utmost 
bravery, before any assistance could be received 
from our General, who had dispatched 500 of us for 
that purpose, on an express being sent to him that 
morning. 

From thence we marched to the Minnisinks, and 
built Fort Norris. On the 9th of March we set out 
with 1000 men to the head of the Minnisinks, and 
built another fort, which we named Franklin, in ho- 
nour of our General. All which forts were garri- 
soned with as many men as we could possibly spare. 

After this we were daily employed in scouring the 
woods, from fort to fort, of these noxious creatures 
the Indians, and in getting as much of the corn to- 
gether as we could find, to prevent the savages from 
having any benefit therefrom. 

Notwithstanding our vigilance, these villains, on 
the 15th, atacked the house of James Graham, but 
by Providence, he with his wife, who had just lain 
in, and the young infant in her arms, (with nothing 
about her but her shift) made their escape to Fort 
Allen, about fifteen miles distant. The child pe- 
rished by the way, and it was matter of wonder to 
the whole garrison to find either of them alive ; in- 
deed, they were in a deplorable condition, and we 
imagined they would expire every moment. The 
wife, however, to our great astonishment recovered, 
but the husband did not survive above six hours 
after their arrival. 

The house of Isaac Cook suffered by the flames ; 
himself, his wife, and eight children being scalped 
and burnt in it. 

Tedious and shocking would it be to enumerate 
half the murders, conflagrations, and outrages com- 
mitted by these hellish infidels ; let it suffice, there- 
fore, that from the year 1753, when they first began 
their barbarities, they had murdered, burned, scalp- 
ed, and destroyed above 3500 ; above 1C00 whereof 



70 

were unhappy inhabitants of the western part of 
Philadelphia. Men, women, and children, fell alike 
a prey to the savages ; no regard being had by them 
to the tender entreaties of an affectionate parent for 
a beloved child, or the infant's prayers in behalf of 
his aged father and mother. Such are the miserable 
calamities attendant on schemes for gratifying the 
ambition of a tyrannic monarchy like France, or 
the weak contrivances or indolent measures of blun- 
dering ministers or negotiators. 

The time of my furlough at length expiring, I 
prepared to set out for my regiment. Having a re- 
commendatory letter from General Franklin to Ma- 
jor Kinnair, as to my services, I marched forward 
for New York, where being arrived, T waited on the 
Major, he being a worthy gentleman, universally 
beloved by the whole regiment ; and after giving 
him an account of all our transactions, and the 
hardships and labours we had gone through, I was 
dismissed. 

After some stay there, I was ordered to proceed 
on my march for Oswego once more. But before I 
go further with my affairs, I shall just recount the 
result of those provincials who went, as I mentioned 
before, to quell the savages, under the command of 
Colonel Armstrong. 

He having under his command 280 provincials, 
destined against the Ohio Morians, against whom 
nothing had been attempted, notwithstanding their 
frequent incursions and murders, penetrated 140 
miles through the woods, from Fort Shirley on Ju- 
niata river to Kittanning, an Indian town on the 
Ohio, about 25 miles above Fort dii Quesne, belong- 
ing to the French. He soon joined the advanced 
party at the Beaver-Dams ; ?hd on the fourth even- 
ing after, being within six miles of Kittanning, the 
scouts discovered a fire in the read, and reported 
that there were but three or four Indians at it. At 
that time it was not thought proper to attempt sur- 



ri 

prising these Indians, lest is one should escape, the 
town might he alarmed. Lieutenant Hogg, there- 
fore, with twelve men, was left to watch them, with 
orders not to fall upon them until day-break ; and 
our forces turned out of the path, to pass their fire, 
without disturbing them. 

About three in the morning, having been guided 
by the whooping of the Indian warriors, at a dance 
in the town, they reached the river at about 100 
perches below it. As soon as day appeared the 
attack began. Captain Jacobs, chief of the Indians, 
gave the war-whoop, and defended his house bravely 
through the loopholes in the logs. The Indians 
generally refusing quarter, Colonel Armstrong or- 
dered their houses to be set on fire, which was done 
by the officers and soldiers with great alacrity. On 
this, some burst out of the houses and attempted to 
reach the river, but were instantly shot. Captain 
Jacobs, in getting out of a window, was shot and 
scalped, as were also his Squaw, and a lad they 
called the King's son. The Indians had a number 
of spare arms in their houses loaded, which went 
off in quick succession as the fire came to them ; 
and quantities of gunpowder, which had been stored 
in every house, blew up from time to time, throwing 
their bodies into the air. 

Eleven English prisoners were released, who in- 
formed the Colonel, that that very day two batteaux x 
of Frenchmen, with a large party of Delaware and 
French Indians, were to have joined Captain Jacobs, 
to march and take Fort Shirley ; and that twenty- 
four warriors had set out before them the preceding 
evening : which proved to be the party that had 
kindled the fire the preceding night ; for our people 
returning found Lieutenant Hogg wounded in three 
places ; and learned that he had attacked the sup- 
posed party of three or four at the fire, but found 
them too strong for him. He killed three of them 
however, at the first fire, and fought them an hour ; 
p 2 



72 

when, Laving lost three of his men, the rest, as he 
lay wounded, abandoned him and fled, the enemy 
pursuing. Lieutenant fclogg died soon after of his 
wounds. 

Enough of these two expeditions has been said, 
nor can I well tell which of the two was most suc- 
cessful, both losing more of their own men than 
they killed of the enemy. 

A little retrospection again on the actions and be- 
haviour of the Philadelphians, and the other pro- 
vinces, and places in conjunction with them, may 
here be something necessary : for, when I arrived 
at Philadelphia, I found however melancholy their 
situation had been of late, this good effect had been 
obtained, that the most prejudiced and ignorant in- 
dividual was feelingly convinced of the necessity of 
vigorous measures ; and, besides national and public 
views, then the more prevailing ones of revenge and 
self-interest gave a spur to their counsels. They 
were accordingly raising men with the utmost ex- 
pedition ; and had, before the end of the summer, 
a considerable number, though not equal to what 
they could furnish, having at least 45,000 men in 
Pennsylvania able to fight. 

And, pursuant to agreement some months before, 
the four governments of New England, in conjunc- 
tion with New York (which last furnished 1300) 
had now assembled 8000 men (for the attack of 
Fort Frederick) at Albany. 150 miles N. of New 
York, and about 130 from Crown Point, under the 
command of General Winslo^v. But many people 
dreading the cruelty of the French, were not so very 
eager to join them this year as the last ; an impress 
therefore of part of the militia was ordered in New 
York government. To prevent which, subscrip- 
tions were set on foot to engage volunteers by high 
bounties ; so loath were theyAhat some got nine or 
twelve pounds sterling to inlist. 

The '4ith. 4Slh 50ilu and 51st regiments of Great 



73 

Britain were .destined for the campaign on the 
great lake Ontario, and mostly marched for Oswego, 
thence to be carried over in 200 great whale boats, 
which were then at the lake, and were built at 
Schenectady on Mohawk's river, and were long, 
round, and light, as the batteaux, being fiat-bot- 
tomed and small, would not answer the navigation 
of the lake, where the waves were often very high. 
They were then, at last, intended to attack Fort 
Frontenac, mentioned before, and the other French 
forts on the lake. Upwards of 2000 batteaux men 
were employed to navigate the batteaux, each a ton 
burthen, laden with provisions and stores from Al- 
bany by the Mohawk river, then through Oneyda 
lake and liver, down to Oswego. There were like- 
wise 300 sailors hired and gone up from New York 
(as I found, when I arrived there) to navigate the 
four armed ships on the lake, built there, as I have 
before mentioned, the last year, for the king's ser- 
vice, and two others were then building ; smiths, 
carpenters, and other artificers, having gone there 
for that purpose some weeks before. Such were 
the preparations and armaments for this campaign ; 
but how fruitless to our disgrace, was soon known 
all over the world ! 

I shall not trouble the reader with a long account 
of a long march 1 had to take from New York to 
Oswego, to join my regiment : suffice it therefore, 
that I arrived there about the middle of July ; but 
in my march thither with some recruits we joined 
Colonel Broadstreet at Albany, and on the 6th of 
May, at the great carrying place, had a skirmish 
with the French and Indians, wherein several were 
killed and wounded on both sides ; of the latter I 
made one. Receiving a shot through my left hand, 
which entirely disabled my third and fourth fingers ; 
and having no hospital, or any conveniencies for the 
•sick there* I was, after having my hand dressedin a 



74 

wretched manner, sent with the next batteaux to 

Albany to get it cured. 

As soon as I was well, I set forwards for Oswego, 
again. And. when I arrived there. I began to make 
what observations I could, as to the alterations tbat 
had been made since the month of October preced- 
ing. Tbe works of Oswego, at this time, consisted 
of three forts, viz. the old Fort, built many years 
before, whose chief strength was a weak stone 
walk about two feet thick, so ill cemented, that it 
could not resist the force of a four pound ball, and 
situated on the east side of the harbour; the two 
other Forts, called Fort Ontario and Fort George, 
were each of them at the distance of about 450 
yards from the old Fort, and situated on two emi- 
nences, which commanded it : both these, as I have 
already observed, were begun to be built last year 
upon plans which made them defensible against 
musketry, and cannon of three or four pound ball 
only, the time not allowing works of a stronger na- 
ture to be then undertaken. 

For our defence against large cannon, we entirely 
depended on a superior naval force upon tbe lake, 
which might have put it in our power to prevent 
the French from bringing heavy artillery against 
the place, as that could only be done by water car- 
riage, which is my opinion, as well as many others. 
If the naval force* had but done their duty." Oswego 
might have been curs to this very day, and entirely 
cut off the communication of the French from Ca- 
nada to the Ohio : but if I would insist on this as 
the particulars require, I perhaps should affront 
some, and injure myself, all to no purpose, or of any 
beneficial service to recall our former losses ; for 
that reason, I shall defer enlarging en the subject, 
although at the same time, I can give very good 
circumstances to maintain my argument if re- 
quired. 

-A dav or two after being at Oswego, the fort was 



75 

alarmed by bearing a firing : when on dispatching 
proper scouts, it was found to be the French anci 
Indians engaging the batteaux-men and sailors, con- 
veying the provisions to Oswego from one river to 
another. On this, a detachment of 500 men were 
ordered out in pursuit of them, whereof I was one. 
We had a narrow pass in the woods to go through, 
where we were attacked by a great number of In- 
dians, when a desperate fight began on both sides, 
that lasted about two hours. However, at last we 
gained a complete victory, and put them entirely to 
the rout, killing fourteen of them, and wounding 
above forty. On our side we had but two men 
killed and six wounded. Many more would have 
been killed of both parties, had it not been for the 
thickness of the woods,-' 

I cannot here omit recounting a most singular 
transaction, that happened during this my second 
time of being there, which, though scarce credible, 
is absolutely true, and can be testified by hundreds, 
who know and have often seen the man : in short, 
one Moglasky, of the 50th regiment, an Irishman, 
being placed as centinel over the rum which had 
arrived, and being curious to know its goodness, 
pierced the cask and drank till he was quite intoxi- 
cated ; when, not knowing what he did, he rambled 
from his post, and fell asleep a good way from the 
garrison. An Indian skulking that way for prey 
(as is conjectured) found him, and made free with 
his scalp, which he plucked and carried off. The 
sergeant, in the morning, finding him prostrate on his 
face, and seeing his scalp off, "imagined him to be 
dead ; but on his nearer approach, and raising him 
from the ground, the fellow awaked from the sound 
sleep he had been in, and asked the sergeant what 
he wanted. The sergeant, quite surprised at the 
strange behaviour of the fellow, interrogated him, 
how he came there in that condition ? he replied. 



76 

he could not tell ; but that he had got very drunk, and 
rambled he knew not whither. The sergeant advised 
him to prepare for death, not having many hours 
to live, as he had lost his scalp. Arrah, my dear now, 
cries he, and are you joking me ? for he really knew 
nothing of his being served in the manner he was, 
and would not believe any accident had happened 
him, until seeing his clothes bloody, he felt his head, 
and found it to be too true, as well as having a cut 
from his mouth to his ear. He was immediately car- 
ried before the Governor, who asked him how he 
came to leave his post ? he replied, that being very 
thirsty, he had broached a cash of rum and drank about 
a pint which made him drunk ? but if his Honour would 
forgive him he'd never he guilty of the like again. The 
Governor told him it was very probable he never 
would, as he was now no better than a dead man. 
However, the surgeons dressed his head there, as 
well as they could, and then sent him in a batteau 
to Albany, where he was perfectly cured ; and to 
the great surprise of every body, was living when I 
left the country. This, though so extraordinary 
and unparalleled an affair, 1 aver to be true, hav- 
ing several times seen the man after this accident 
happened to him. How his life was preserved 
seems a miracle, as no instance of the like was ever 
known. 

I had forgot to mention, that before I left Alba- 
ny, the last, time, upon Colonel Broadstreet's arri- 
val there, in his way to Oswego, with the provisions 
and forces, consisting of about 500 whale-boats ard 
batteaux, intended for the campaign on the great 
lake Ontario, mentioned before, 1 joined his corps, 
and proceeded on with the batteaux, &c. 

Going up the river Onondago towards Oswego, the 
batteaux men were, on the 29lh of Jane, attacked near 
the falls, about nine miles from Oswego, by 500 French 
and Indians, who killed and wounded 74 of our men, 



77 

before we could get on shore, which, as soon as we 
did, the French were routed, with the loss of 130 men 
killed and several wounded, whom we took prisoners. 
Had we known of their lying in ambush, or of their 
intent to attack us, the victory would have been much 
more complete on our side, as the troops Colonel Broad- 
street commanded were regular, well disciplined, and 
in tolerable health ; whereas the French, by a long 
passage at sea, and living hard after their arrival at 
Canada, were much harrassed and fatigued. 

However, we got all safe to Oswego, with the bat- 
teaux and provisions, together with the rigging and 
stores for the large vessels, excepting twenty-four can- 
I non, six pounders, that were then at the great carry- 
[ ing place, which Colonel Broadstreet was to bring with 
; him, upon his next passage, from Schenectady ; to 
which place, as soon as he had delivered to the Quar- 
[ ter-m aster all the stores under his care, he was order- 
ed to return with the batteaux and men to receive the 
! orders of Major- General Abercromby. In his return 
, from Schenectady, it was expected that Halket's and 
Dunbar's regiment would have come with him, in 
in order to take Fort Frontenac and the other French 
forts on the lake Ontario. But alas! as schemes for 
building castles in the air always prove abortive for 
want of proper architecture and foundation, so did 
this scheme of ours, for want of a due knowledge of 
our own situation. 

On the arrival of these forces, a new brigantine and 
sloop were fitted out ; and about the same lime, a large 
snow was also launched and rigged, and only waited 
for her guns and some running rigging, which they 
expected every day by_ Colonel Broadstreet; and had 
he returned in time with the cannon and batteau-men 
under his command, the French would not have dared 
to have appeared on the lake ; but Colonel Broadstreet 
happened to be detained with the batteaux atSchenec* 
J tady for above a month, waiting for the 44th regiment 
to march with him. The dilatoriness of this embar- 



78 

kation at Schenectady cannot be imputed to Colonel 
Brotdstreet, because Gen. Sbirley waited with impa- 
tience for the arrival of Lord Loudon Campbell from 
England ; and when his Lordship landed at New 
York, he. in a few days after, proceeded to Albany, 
where his Lordship took the command of the army 
from General Shirley, and upon comparing, and con- 
sidering how bad a situation his forces, and the different 
governments upon the continent were in, his Lordship, 
with the advice of several other experienced officers, 
thought himself not in a condition to proceed on any 
enterprize for that season, no farther than to maintain 
our ground at Oswego ; for which purpose, Colonel 
Broadstreet was immediately ordered off with thebat- 
teaux and provisions, as also the aforesaid regiments ; 
but before Broadstreet arrived at the great carrying 
place, Oswego was taken, with all the ships of war, al- 
though our naval force was far superior to the French. 

Before I relate the attack of Oswego, I shall review 
a little what the French were doing during these our 
dilatory, pompous proceedings. 

The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor and Lieuten- 
ant General of New France, whilst he provided for the 
security of the frontiers of Canada, was principally at- 
tentive to the lakes. Being informed that we were 
making vast preparations at Oswego for attacking Nia- 
gara and Frontenac, he took and razed, in the month 
of March, the fort where we had formed our principal 
magazine ; and in June following, destroyed on the 
river Chonenan or Oswego, some of our vessels, and 
made some prisoners. The success of these two ex- 
peditions encouraged him to act offensively, and to at- 
tack us at Osw r ego. This settlement they pretended, 
and still insist on, to be an encroachment, or invasion, 
which we had made in time of profound peace, and a- 
gainst which, they said, they had continually remon- 
strated, during our blundering negociating Lawyer's 
residence at France. It was at first, say they, only a 
fortified magazine; but, in order to avail themselves 



79 

or its advantageous situation in the centre almost of the 
French colonies, the English added, from time to time, 
several new works, and made it consist of three forts, 
as above described. 

The troops designed for this expedition by the French 
amounted to near 5000 men, 1300 of which were regu- 
lars. To prevent his design being discovered, M. 
de Vaudreuii pretended, in order the better to de- 
ceive us, who had so long before been blind, that 
he was providing only for the security of Niagara 
and Frontenac. The Marquis de Montcalm, who 
commanded on this occasion, arrived the 29th of 
July at Fort Frontenac : and having given the ne- 
cessary directions for securing his retreat, in case 
it should have been rendered inevitable, by a supe- 
rior force, sent out two vessels, one of 12 and the 
other of lfi guns, to cruize off Oswego, and posted 
a chain of Canadians and Indians on the road be- 
tween Oswego and Albany, to intercept our cour- 
iers. All the forces, and the vessels, with the ar- 
tillery and stores, being arrived in the bay of Nix- 
oure, the place of general rendezvous, the Mar- 
quis de Montcalm ordered his advanced guard to 
proceed to a creek called Anse aux Cabannes, three 
leagues from Oswego. But, 

To carry on this account the more accurately and 
intelligibly to the reader, I shall recite the actions 
of the French and ourselves together, as a more 
clear and succinct manner of making those unac- 
quainted with the art of war, more sensible of this 
important affair. 

Colonel Mercer, who was then commanding offi- 
cer of the garrison at Oswego, having, on the 6th 
of August, intelligence of a large encampment of 
French and Indians, about 12 miles off, dispatched 
one of the schooners, with an account of it, to Cap- 
tain Bradley, who was then on a cruize with the 
large brigantine and two sloops ; at the same time 
desired him to cruize as far to the eastward as he 



80 

rould, and to endeavour to prevent the approach 
of the French on the lake : but meeting the next 
day with a small gale of wind, the large brigantine 
was drove on shore near Oswego, in attempting to 
get into the harbour — cf which misfortune the In- 
dians immediately gave M. de Montcalm, the French 
General, notice, who took that opportunity of 
transporting his heavy cannon to about a mile and 
a half of the fort, which he could not otherwise have 
done, had not there been some neglect on our side. 
For en the 10th, the first division of the French 
being arrived at Anse aux Cabannes, at two o'clock 
in the morning, the van-guard proceeded, at four 
in the afternoon, by land, across woods, to ano- 
ther creek within half a league of Oswego, in order 
to favour the debarkation. At midnight their first 
division repaired to this creek, and there erected a 
battery on the lake Ontario. 

Colonel Mercer, in the morning of the 10th, on 
some cances being seen to the eastward, sent out 
the small schooner to make discovery of what they 
were ; she was scarce half a mile from the fort, be- 
fore she discovered a very large encampment, close 
under the opposite point, being the first division of 
the French troops above-mentioned. On this, the 
two sloops (the large brigantine being still on shore) 
were sent out with orders, if possible, to annoy the 
enemy — but this was to no purpose: the enemy's 
cannon being large and well pointed, hulled the 
vessels almost every shot, while theirs fell short of 
the shore. 

This day and the next, the enemy were employ- 
ed in making gabions, faueissons, and fascines, and 
in cutting a road across the woods, from the place 
of landing, to the place where the trenches were to 
be opened ; and the second division of the enemy 
arriving on the II th in the morning, with the ar- 
tillery and provisions, the same immediately land- 
ed without any opposition. Though dispositions 



si 

were made for opening the trenches on the 10th at 
night, which was rather a parallel of about 100 
toises in front, and opened at the distance of about 
(>0 toises * from the foss of Fort Ontario, in ground 
embarrassed with trunks of trees. 

About five in the morning of the 1 1th, this pa- 
rallel was finished, and the workmen began to erect 
the batteries. Thus was the place invested by about 
5000 men, and 32 pieces of cannon, from 12 to IS 
pounders, besides several large brass mortars and 
hoyets, among which artillery was part of General 
Braddock's. About neon they began the attack of 
Fort Ontario, with small arms, which was briskly 
returned. All this day, the garrison was employed 
on the west side of the river, in repairing the bat- 
teries on the south side of the old Fort. 

The next morning (the 12th) at day-break, a 
large number of French batteaux were discovered 
on the lake, in their way to join the enemy's camp : 
on which, Colonel Mercer ordered the two sloops 
to be again sent out, with directions to get between 
the batteaux and the camp : but before our vessels 
came up, the batteaux had secured themselves un- 
der the fire of their cannon. 

In the evening, a detachment was made of 100 
men of the 50th (General PepperelPs) regiment. 
and 126 of the New Jersey provincials, under the 
command of Colonel Schuyler, to take possession 
of the fort on the hill, to the westward of the old 
Fort, and under the direction of the engineer, Mr 
M'Kneller, were to put it into the best state of de- 
fence they could ; in which work they were employ- 
ed all the following night. 

The enemy on the east side continued their ap- 
proaches to the fort Ontario, but, with their utmost 
efforts, for a long time they could not bring their 
cannon to bear on it. However, drawing their 

* A toi?e is a French measure, and contains about two fathorss, 
er six feet in length, 



82 

cannon with great expedition, next morning (the 
13th) about ten o'clock, to a battery erected with- 
in sixty yards from it, they played them very hotly 
on the garrisons notwithstanding the constant fire 
kept on them, and the loss of their principal engi- 
neer, who was killed in the trenches. A council 
of war was immediately held, by the officers of Ge- 
neral Pepperel's regiment, who, observing the 
mortars were beginning to play, concluded it most 
adviseabie to quit Fort Ontario, and join Colonel 
Schuyler's regiment at Fort George or Fort Rascal; 
and an account of this latter battery being sent to 
Colonel Mercer, by the commandant of the enemy, 
ordering him to evacuate the fort, they accordingly 
did, about three in the afternoon, destroying the 
cannon, ammunition, and provisions therein, and 
managed their retreat so as to pass the river, and 
join the troops at the west side, without the loss of 
a man. These troops, being about 370, were im- 
mediately ordered to join Colonel Schuyler, which 
they accordingly did, and were employed all the 
following night in completing the works of that 
fort. 

M. Montcalm immediately took possession of 
Fort Ontario, and ordered the communications of 
the parallel to be continued to the banks of the 
river, where, in the beginning of the night, they 
began a grand battery, placed in such a manner 
that it could not only batter Fort Oswego, and the 
way from thence to Fort George, but also the in- 
trenchment of Oswego. 

In the morning of the 13th. the large brigantine 
being off the rocks and repaired, a detachment of 
eighty men of the garrison was put on board of her 
and the two sloops, in order to go out immediately ; 
but the wind continuing to blow directly into the 
harbour, rendered it impossible for them to get 
out before the place was surrendered. This night, 
as well as the night before, parties of the enemy's 



83 

irregulars made several attempts to surprise our 
advauced guards and centinels, on the west side of 
the river, but did not succeed in any of them. 

The enemy were employed this night, in bringing 
up their cannon, and raising a battery. On err 
side we kept a constant fire of cannon and shells 
from the old fort, and works about it. The can- 
non which most annoyed the enemy were four 
pieces, which we reversed on the platform of an 
earthern work, which surrounded the old fort, and 
which was entirely enfiladed by the enemy's bat- 
tery on the opposite shore : In this situation, with- 
out the least cover, the train, assisted by a detach- 
ment of Shirley's regiment, behaved remarkably 
well. 

At day-break, on the 14th, we renewed our fire 
on that part of the opposite shore, where we had 
the evening before observed the enemy at work, iii 
raising the battery. 

The enemy, in three columns, consisted of 2500 
Canadians and savages, crossed the river, some by 
swimming, and ethers by wading, with the water 
up to their middles, in order to invest and attack 
the old fort. This bold action, by which they en- 
tirely cut off the communication of the two forts ; 
the celerity with which the works were carried on, 
in ground that we thought impracticable : a con- 
tinual return of our fire from a battery of ten can- 
non, twelve pounders ; and their preparing a lat- 
tery of mortars and hoyets, made Colonel Mercer 
think it adviseable (he not knowing their numbers) 
to order Colonel Schuyler, with 500 men, to oppose 
them ; which would accordingly have been carried 
into execution, and consequently, every man of 
the 500 cut off, had not Colonel Mercer been killed 
by a cannon ball, a few minutes after. The reso- 
lution of this valiant Colonel seemed to be deter- 
mined to oppose the French to the last extremity, 
and to maintain his ground at Oswego, but his final 
g 2 



8* 

doom came on so unexpectedly, that his lo-s was 
universally regretted. 

About ten o'clock, the enemy's battery was ready 
to play ; at which time, all our places of defence 
were either enfiladed, or ruined by the constant fire 
of their cannon ; Fort Rascal, or George, in parti^ 
cular, having at that time no guns, and scarce in 
a condition to defend itself against small arms ; 
with 2500 irregulars on our backs, ready to storm 
us on that side, and 2000 of their regulars as ready 
to land in our front, under the fire of their cannon. 
Whereas, 

Fort Rascal might have been made a very defen- 
sible fortress, lying en a hill, and the ascent to it 
so steep, that had an enemy been ever so numer- 
ous, they must have suffered greatly in an attempt 
to storm it. Why it was not iu a better state, it 
becomes not me to say, but matters were so. 

And in this situation we were, when Colonel Lit- 
tlehales, who succeeded Colonel Mercer in the com- 
mand, called a council of Avar, who were, with the 
engineers, unanimously of opinion, that the works 
were no longer tenable ; and that it was by no means 
prudent to risk a storm with such unequal numbers. 

The cbamade was accordingly ordered to be beat, 
and the firing ceased on both sides ; yet the French 
were not idle, but improved this opportunity to 
bring up more cannon, and advanced the main 
body of their troops within musquet-shot of the gar- 
rison, and prepared every thing for a storm. Two 
officers were sent to the French General, to know 
what terms he would give; the Marquis de Mont- 
calm made answer, that they might expect what- 
ever terms were consistent with the service of his 
Most Christian Majesty. He accordingly agreed to 
the following : 

ARTICLE I. 

*• The garrison shall surrender prisoners of war, 



85 

and shall be conducted from hence to Montreal, 
where they shall be treated with humanity, and 
every one shall have treatment agreeably to their 
respective ranks, according to the custom of war, 

ARTICLE II. 

" Officers, soldiers, and individuals, shall have 
their baggage and clothes, and they shall be allow- 
ed to carry them along with them. 

ARTICLE III. 

" They shall remain prisoners of war, until they 
are exchanged.'' 

Given at the Camp before Oswego, 
August 14, 1756. 

MONTCALM. 

By virtue of this capitulation, the garrison sur- 
rendered prisoners of war, and the French imme- 
diately took possession of Oswego and Fort George, 
which they entirely destroyed, agreeable to their 
orders, after removing the artillery, warlike stores, 
and provisions. 

But to describe the plunder, havock, and devas- 
tation made by the French, as well as the savages, 
who rushed in by thousands, is impossible. For 
notwithstanding the Christian promise made by the 
General of his Most Christian Majesty, they all be- 
haved more like infernal beings than creatures in 
human shapes. In short, not contented with sur- 
rendering upon the above terms, they scalped and 
killed all the sick and wounded in the hospitals ; 
mangling, butchering, cutting, and chopping off 
their heads, arms, legs, &c. with spades, hatchets, 
and other such diabolical instruments ; treating the 
whole with the utmost cruelty, notwithstanding the 
repeated intercessions of the defenceless sick and 
wounded for mercy, which were indeed piteous 
enough to have softened any heart possessed of the 
minutest particle of humanity ! 



86 

Here I cannot help observing;, that notwithstand- 
ing what lias been said of the behaviour of the of- 
ficers of these (the 50th and 51st) regiment*. I 
must, with the greatest truth, give them the cha- 
racters of brave, but I wish I could say, experi- 
enced men ; every one of them I had an opportu- 
nity of observing during the siege, behaving with 
the utmost courage and intrepidity. Nor. in this 
place, can I omit particularly naming Col. James 
Campbell and Captain Archibald Hamilton*, who 
assisted with the greatest spirit and alacrity the pri- 
vate men at the great guns. But for such an hand- 
ful of men as our garrison then consisted of, and 
the works being of such a weak and defence! ss 
nature, to have made a longer defence, or have 
caused the enemy to raise the siege, would have 
been such an instance as England for many years 
hath not experienced ; and I am afraid will be many 
more before it will, for reasons that are too obvious. 

The quantity of stores and ammunition we then 
had in the three forts is almost incredible. But of 
what avail are puwder and balls if walls and ram- 
parts are defenceless, and men sufficient to make 
use of them ; in short, the French by taking this 
place, made themselves masters of the following 
things, all which were immediately sent to Fron- 
tenac, viz. seven pieces of brass cannon, nineteen, 
fourteen, and twelve pounders ; forty-eight iron 
cannon, of nine, six, fiye, three, and two pound- 
ers ; a brass mortar of nine inches four- twelfths, 
and thirteen others of six and three inches : forty- 
seven swivel guns ; 23,0001b. of gunpowder : SCOOlb. 
of lead and musket ball; two thousand nine hun- 
dred and fifty cannon balls ; one hundred and fifty 
bombs of nine inches, and three hundred more of 
six inches diameter; one thousand four hundred 

* Colonel Campbell and Capt. Hamilton are at present in Scotland, 
the former resides near Glasgow, and the latter in Edinburgh. 



87 

and twenty-six grenadoes, one thousand and seven- 
ty muskets ; a vessel pierced for eighteen guns ; 
the brigantine of sixteen, a goeletta of ten, a bat- 
teau of ten (the sloops already mentioned), another 
of eight guns, a skiff of eighteen swivels, and ano- 
ther burnt upon the stocks ; seven hundred and 
four barrels of biscuit, one thousand three hundred 
and eighty-six firkins of bacon and beef; seven 
hundred and twelve firkins of meal ; thirty-two live 
oxen ; fifteen hogs, ai^d a large sum of money in 
the military chest, amounting, as the French said, 
to eighteen thousand five hundred and ninety-four 
livres. 

On the 16th, they began to remove us ; the of- 
ficers were first sent in batteaux, and two hundred 
soldiers a day afterwards, till the whole were gone, 
being carried first to Montreal, and from thence to 
Quebec. Our duty in the batteaux, till we reached 
the first place, was very hard and slavish : and dur- 
ing the time we w T ere on the lake and river St. 
Laurence, it appeared very easy and feasible for 
Commodore Bradley, had he thought proper, to 
have destroyed all the enemy's batteaux, and have 
prevented them from ever landing their cannon 
within forty miles of the fort. But he knew his own 
reasons for omitting this piece of service best. 

Our party arrived at Montreal in Canada on the 
28th. We were that night secured in the fort, as 
were the rest as they came in. The French used 
various means to win some of our troops over to 
their interest, or, at least, to do their work in the 
fields, which many refused, among whom was my- 
self; who were then conducted on board a ship, 
and sent to Quebec, where, on arriving the 5th of 
September, we were lodged in a gaol, and kept 
there for the space of one month. 

During this our captivity, many of our men, ra- 
ther than lie in a prison, went out to work and as- 
sist the French in getting in their harvest, they 



88 

having then scarce any people left in (hat country 
but old men, women, and children, so that the corn 
was continually falling into the stubble for want of 
hands to reap it ; but those who did go out, in two 
or three days, chose confinement again rather than 
liberty on such terms, being almost starved, having 
nothing in the country to live on but dry bread, 
whereas we in the prison were each of us all< 
21bs. of bread and half a pound of meat a day, and 
otherwise treated with a good deal of humanity. 

Eighteen soldiers were all the guard they had to 
place over us, who, being greatly fatigued with hard 
duty, and dreading our rising on them, which, had 
we had any arms, we might easily have done, and ra- 
vaged the country round, as it was then entirely de- 
fenceless ; and the town's people themselves fearing 
the consequences of having such a number of men 
in a place where provisions were at that time very 
scarce and dear, they thought of sending us away, 
the most eligible way of keeping themselves from 
famine, and accordingly put 1500 of us on board a 
vessel for England. 

But before I continue the account of our voyage 
home to our native country, I shall just make a 
short retrospection on the consequences that at- 
tended the loss of Oswego, as appeared to us and the 
rest of the people at Quebec, who knew that part of 
America to which this important place was a safe- 
guard. 

As soon as Oswego was taken, our only commu- 
nication from the Mohawk's river to the lake Oneida 
was stopt up, by filling the place at Wood's Creek 
with great logs and trees for many miles together. 
A few days afterwards, the forts at the great carry- 
ing place, and then our most advanced post into the 
country of the Six Nations, which I have before 
given a short account of, (and where there were at 
that time above three thousand men, including one 
thousand two hundred haUeau-inen. and which still 



gare the Six Nations some hopes that we would de- 
fend their country against the French), were aban- 
doned and destroyed, and the troops which were 
under the command of General Webb retreated to 
Burnet's Field, and left the country and the Six 
Nations to the mercy of the enemy. 

The French, immediately after the taking of Os- 
wego, demolished, as is said before, all the works 
there, and returned with their prisoners and booty 
to Ticonderago, to oppose our provincial army 
under the command of General Winslow, who had 
shamefully been kept, in expectation of the dilatory 
arrival of Lord Loudon, from attacking Crown Point 
while the enemy were weak, and it was easily in em- 
power to have beat them. 

The consequences of the destruction of our forts 
at the great carrying place, and General Webb's 
retreating to Burnet's Field, is now, alas ! too ap- 
parent to every one acquainted with American af- 
fairs. The Indians of the Six Nations undoubtedly 
looked upon it as abandoning them and their coun- 
try to the French, for they plainly saw that we had 
no strong hold near them, and that (by the place at 
Wood's Creek being stopped) we could not, if we 
would, afford them any assistance at Onondago, 
Cayuga, and the Senekea's country, which were 
their chief castles ; that the forts begun by us in 
those countries were left unfinished, and therefore 
could be of no use to them, and which, if we had 
kept the carrying place we might have finished, and 
given them still hopes of our being able to defend. 

But despairing of our being further serviceable to 
them, those Iroquois, who were before our friends, 
and some of the others, have indeed deserted us, 
and the consequences of such their junctions with 
the French was soon after felt in the loss of Fort 
George on Lake Sacrament. 

The fine country on the Mohawk's river down to 
Albany, was by this step left open to the ravages of 



90 

the enemy, and an easy passage opened to the 
French and their Indians into the provinces of 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, by the way of Sus- 
quehana and Delaware rivers, which were before 
covered by our settlements on the Mohawk's river, 
and the Six Nations. 

I shall here give the best description of the In- 
dians, their way of living, &c. in my power. 

It is difficult to guess what may be the number of 
the Indians scattered up and down our back settle- 
ments ; but if their own account be true, they 
amount to many thousands. Be this, however, as 
it will, they are not to be feared merely on account 
of their numbers ; other circumstances conspire to 
make them formidable: the English inhabitants, 
though numerous, are extended over a vast track 
of land, 500 leagues in length on the sea shore, and 
for the most part have fixed habitations, the easiest 
and shortest passages to which the Indians, by con- 
tinually hunting in the woods, are perfectly well 
acquainted with ; and as their way of makirg war 
is by sudden attacks upon exposed places, as soon 
as they have done the mischief at one place they 
retire, and either go home by some different rout, 
or go to some distant place to renew their attacks. 
If they are pursued, it is a chance if they do not en- 
snare their pursuers ; or if that be not the case, as 
soon as they have gained the rivers, so dextrous are 
they in the use of their canoes, that they presently 
get out of reach. It is to no purpose to follow them 
to their settlements ; for they can, without much 
disadvantage, quit their old habitations and betake 
themselves to new ones ; add to this, that they can 
be suddenly drawn together from any distance, as 
they can find their subsistence in travelling from 
their guns. 

No people on earth have a higher sense of liberty, 
or stronger affection for their relations. When of- 



91 

feuded they are the most implacable vindictive ene- 
mies on earth, for no distance of place or space of 
time will abate their resentment, but they will watch 
every opportunity of revenge, and when such oppor- 
tunity offers, they revenge themselves effectually. 

They will sooner sacrifice their own lives for the 
sake of liberty than humble themselves to the arbi- 
trary control of any person whatsoever. In battle 
they never submit, and will die rather than be taken 
prisoners. 

Our late transactions in America testify that the 
friendship of the Indians is to be desired ; and the 
only way to maintain a friendly correspondence 
with them is by making such propositions to them 
as will secure their liberties, and be agreeable to 
their expectations ; and not only by keeping these 
propositions inviolable as well in time of peace as in 
time of war, but also renewing our treaties with 
them from time to time, for they are very jealous 
and tenacious of an affront or neglect. They are 
very proud, and love to be esteemed. In time of 
peace they live upon what they get of the white 
people, for which they barter skins, furs, See. Their 
clothing, and every thing else they want, such as 
arms, they get in the same manner. In war time, 
they live upon what they can procure by their gun, 
and if that fails, upon roots, fruits, herbs, and other 
vegetables of the natural produce of the earth. 

They have never the foresight to provide neces- 
saries for themselves ; they look only to the present 
moment, and leave to-morrow to provide for itself. 
They eat of every wild beast which they kill, with- 
out distinction. They always prefer game to veget- 
ables ; but when they cannot get venison, they live 
on roots, fruits, and herbs. They destroy a great 
deal of meat at a time, when they have it in their 
power, and when they leave any, be it ever such a 
great quantity, it is ten to one if any of them will 
take the trouble to carry a pound of it, but will ra- 
il 



92 

ther leave it behind them : yet, notwithstanding this 
extravagance, such are their tempers, and they are 
so inured to hardships, that if they cannot conve- 
niently get at food, they can and actually do fast 
sometimes for near a week together, and yet are as 
active as if they had lived regularly. All their spare 
time is taken up in contriving schemes to succeed 
in their intended expeditions. They can never be 
taken in a pursuit by any European. They will tra- 
vel seventy miles a-day, and continue for months 
together, as I have reason to know from experience : 
and they are sure to bring their pursuers into a 
snare, if they are not wary, and have some Indians 
on their side to beat the bushes. When they are 
overtaken with sleep, they light a great fire: which 
prevents the wild beasts from failing upon them, 
for wild beasts have a natural aversion to fire ; nor 
is it easy for an enemy to discover them in this con- 
dition ; for the country is one continued tract of 
thick wood, overgrown with brushwood, so that you 
cannot see the fire till you be within a few yards of 
it. They having nothing covering them from the 
inclemency of the weather but a blanket put upon 
them, something in the shape of a Highlanders 
plaid. 

And further, to prevent their being long observed 
by their pursuers, or to be seen too soon when they 
have a mind to attack any plantation, they paint 
themselves of the same colour with the trees among 
which they hide themselves. 

When they are to attack a plantation, they never 
come out till night, and then they rush instantly up- 
on the farms, &c. and destroy every thing, as well 
men, women, and children, as beasts : then they fall 
to plunder, and return to their lurking holes till 
another opportunity of plunder happens, when they 
renew their attack in the same manner ; so that if 
some method is not taken to draw them into our in- 
terest, our colonies will be in a continual alarm, and 



93 

the country will soon become desolate ; for nobody 
will venture their lives to settle on the back parts, 
unless the Indians are our friends. 

The Indian manner of lighting is quite different 
from that of other nations. They industriously a- 
void all open engagements ; and, besides ambus- 
cades, their principal way is bush-fighting, in the 
exercise of which they are very dextrous ; for the 
back country being one continued wood, except 
some few spots cleared for the purpose of husbandry 
by our back settlers, the Indians squat themselves 
down behind the trees, and fire their muskets at 
the enemy ; if the enemy advances, then they re- 
treat behind other trees, and fire in the same man- 
ner ; and as they are good marksmen, they never 
fire in vain, whereas their pursuers seldom hit. 

Notwithstanding the political schemes of France 
are nearly brought to a period, yet if the Indians 
are not satisfied with the conclusion of a peace be- 
tween us and the French as to America, I mean, 
unless they are fairly dealt with, we shall gain but 
little by all our conquests ; for it is the friendship of 
the Indians that will make Canada valuable to us. 
We have already more lands than we are able to 
manage ; but the advantage, nay, the necessity of 
keeping Canada I have already shewn, and there- 
fore I shall go on with my account of the Indians. 

When last in London, I remember to have heard 
some coffeehouse politicians, chagrined at the de- 
vastations they made on our back settlements, say, 
that it would be an easy matter to root out the sa- 
vages by clearing the ground. I answer, that the 
task may seem easy to them, but the execution of 
such a scheme on such a track of land would be 
so difficult, that I doubt whether there are people 
enough in Great Britain and Ireland to accomplish 
it in a hundred years' time, were they to meet with 
no opposition; but where there is such a subtile 
enemy to deal with, I am afraid we should make 



94 

but little progress in reducing the Indians, even al- 
lowing the country to he all cleared, as there are 
hills and other fastnesses to which the Indians can 
retire, and where they would greatly have the bet- 
ter of every attempt to dislodge them. The only 
way I would advise is, to keep friends with the In- 
dians, and endeavour to prevail on them to settle in 
the same manner as the planters do, which they 
will be more easily brought to, if the French are 
excluded from Canada. For, notwithstanding their 
wandering way of life, I have the greatest reason to 
believe they have no dislike to an easy life. And as 
they will have no temptations to murder, as they 
had when stirred up by the subjects of his Most 
Christian Majesty, they will soon become useful 
members of society. 

When first the English arrived in the American 
colonies, they found the woods inhabited by a race 
of people uncultivated in their manners, but not 
quite devoid of humanity. They were strangers to 
literature, ignorant of the liberal arts, and destitute 
of almost every conveniency of life. 

But if they were unpractised in the arts of more 
civilized nations, they were also free from their vices. 
They seemed perfect in two parts of the ancient 
Persian education, namely, shooting with the bow, 
and speaking truth. In their dealings, they com- 
monly exchange one commodity for another. Stran- 
gers themselves to fraud, they had an entire confi- 
dence in others. According to their abilities they 
were generous and hospitable. Happy, thrice happy 
had they been, if, still preserving their native inno- 
cence and simplicity, they had only been instructed 
in the knowledge of God, and the doctrines of 
Christianity! Had they been taught some of the 
more useful parts of life, and to lay aside what was 
wild and savage in their manners ! 

They received the English upon theii first arrival 
with open arms, treated them kindly, and shewed 



95 

an earnest desire that they should settle and lire? 
with them. They freely parted with some of their 
lands to -their new-come brethren, and chearfully 
entered into a league of friendship with them. As 
the English were in immediate want of the assist- 
ance of the Indians, they, on their part, endeavour- 
ed to make their coming agreeable. Thus they 
lived for some years in the mutual exchange of 
friendly offices. Their houses were open to each 
other, they treated one another as brothers. But 
by their different way of living, the English soon 
acquired property, while the Indians continued in 
their former indigence ; hence the former found they 
could easily live without the latter, and therefore 
became less anxious about preserving their friend- 
ship. This gave a check to that mutual hos- 
pitality that had hitherto subsisted between them ; 
and this, together with the decrease of game for 
hunting, arising from the increase of the English 
settlements, induced the Indians to remove farther 
back into the woods. 

From this time the natives began to v be treated as 
a people of whom an advantage might be taken. 
As the trade with them was free and open, men of 
loose and abandoned characters engaged in it, and 
practised every fraud. Before the coming of the 
white people the Indians never tasted spirituous 
liquors,, and, like most barbarians, having once 
tasted, became immoderately fond thereof, and had 
no longer any government of themselves. The 
traders availed themselves of this weakness ; in- 
stead^ of carrying our clothes to cover the naked 
savages, they carried them rum, and thereby de- 
bauched their manners, weakened their constitu- 
tions, introduced disorders unknown to them before, 
and in short corrupted and ruined them. 

The Indians, finding the ill effects of this trade, 
began to complain. Wherefore laws were made, 
prohibiting any from going to trade with them wirh- 
h 2 



96 

out a licence from the Governor, and it was also 
made lawful for the Indians to stave the casks, and 
spill what rum was brought among them — but this 
was to little purpose : the Indians had too little 
command of themselves to do their duty, and were 
easily prevailed upon not to execute this law: and 
the design of the former was totally evaded, by men 
of some character taking out licences to trade, and 
then employing under them persons of no honour 
or principle, generally servants and convicts trans- 
ported hither from Britain and Ireland, whom they 
sent with goods into the Indian country to trade on 
their account. These getting beyond the reach of 
the law, executed unheard-of villanies upon the 
poor natives, committing crimes which modesty for- 
bids to name, and behaving in a manner too shock- 
ing to be related. 

At every treaty which the Indians held witli the 
English they complained of the abuses they suffered 
from the traders, and trade as then carried on. They 
requested that the traders might be recalled, but ail 
to no purpose. They begged in the strongest terms 
that no rum might be suffered to come among them : 
but were only told they were at liberty to spiil all 
rum brought into their country. At this time little 
or no pains was taken to civilize or instruct them in 
the Christian religion, till at length the conduct of 
traders, professing themselves of that religion, £ave 
the Indians an almost invincible prejudice against 
it. Besides, as these traders travelled among dis- 
tant nations of the Indians, and were in some sort 
the representatives of the English nation, from them 
the Indians formed a very unfavourable opinion of 
our whole nation, and easily believed every misre- 
presentation made of us by our enemies. There are 
instances in history where the virtues and disinte- 
rested behaviour of one man has prejudiced whole 
nations of barbarians in favour of the people to 
whom he belonged : and is it then to be wondered 



97 

at if the Indians conceived a rooted prejudice against 
us, when not one, but a whole set of men, namely, 
all of our nation that they had an opportunity of 
seeing or conversing with, were persons of a lose 
and abandoned behaviour, insincere and faithless, 
without religion, virtue, or morality ? No one will 
think I exaggerate these matters who has either 
known the traders themselves, or who has read the 
public treaties. 

If to this be added, what I find in the late treaties* 
that they have been wronged in some of their lands, 
what room will there be any longer to wonder that 
we have so little interest with them ; that their con- 
duct towards us is of late so much changed, that, 
instead of being a security and protection to us, as 
they have been hitherto during the several wars be- 
tween us and the French, they are now turned 
against us and become our enemies, principally on 
account of the fraudulent dealings and immoral 
conduct of those heretofore employed in our trade 
with them, who have brought dishonour upon our 
religion, and disgrace on our nation ? It nearly con- 
cerns us, if possible, to wipe off these reproaches, 
and to redeem our character, which can only be done 
by regulating the trade ; and this the Indians, with 
whom the government, of Philadelphia lately treat- 
ed, demanded and expected of us. 

At present, a favourable opportunity presents for 
doing it effectually. All those who were engaged in 
this trade are, by the present troubles, removed 
from it; and it is to be hoped that the legislature 
will fall upon measures to prevent any such from 
ever being concerned in it again. This is only the 
foundation upon which we can expect a lasting 
peace with the natives, It is evident that a great 
deal depends upon the persons who are to be sent 
into the Indian country; from these alone the In- 
dians will form a judgment of us, our religion, and 
manners. If these then, who are to be our repre- 



08 

sentatives among the Indians he men of virtue and 
integrity, sober in their conversation, honest in their 
dealings, and whose practice corresponds with their 
profession, the judgment formed of us will be fa- 
vourable ; if, on the contrary, they be loose and 
profane persons, men of wicked lives and profligate 
morals, we must expect that among the Indians our 
religion will pass for a jest, and we in general for a 
people faithless and despicable. 

I might here add some observations respecting 
the commodities 'proper to be carried among the 
Indians, in kind as well as quality, with a method 
of carrying on the trade, so as to preserve the native 
innocence of the Indians, and at the same time con- 
firm them immoveable in our interest; but these 
things, as well as some remarks I have in a course 
of years made upon the Indians, I shall leave for 
the subject of some future history. 

I shall now proceed to give a concise account of 
the climates, produce, trade, &c. of North America, 
And first, 

OF NEW ENGLAND. 

The province of New England appears to be vastly 
extensive, being about 400 miles in length, and near 
300 in breadth, situated between 69 and 73 des> 
"VV. long, and between 41 and 46 deg. N. lat. It was 
first settled by the Independents, a little before the 
commencement of the civil wars in England ; they 
transported themselves thither, rather than they 
would communicate with the church of England. 

The lands next the sea in New England are gene- 
rally low and the soil sandy ; but further- up the 
country it rises into hills, and cm the north east it 
is rocky and mountainous. The winters are much 
severer here than in Old England, though it lies 
or 10 degrees more south, but they have usually a 
clearer sky and more settled weather both in winter 
and summer than in Old England ; and though their 
summers are shorter, the air is considerably hotter 



99 

while it lasts. The winds are very boisterous in the 
winter season, and the north wind blowing over a 
long track of frozen and uncultivated countries, 
with several fresh water lakes, makes it excessively 
cold. The rivers are sometimes congealed in a 
night's time. The climate is generally healthful, 
and agreeable to English constitutions. 

The fruits of Old England come to great perfec- 
tion here, particularly peaches, which are planted 
trees ; and we have commonly 1200 or 1400 fine 
peaches on such a tree at one time : nay, of the fruit 
of one single apple tree, in one season, nine barrels 
of cyder have been m ade. English wheat I find does 
not thrive here, within 40 or 50 miles of Boston ; but 
farther up the country they have it in great plenty, 
and I think it comes to the same perfection as in 
Britain. Now, why wheat should not grow near 
this city I confess I can assign no reason that will 
fully satisfy the reader's curiosity. The conjectures 
upon it are various ; some venture to say that it was 
occasioned by the unjust persecution of the Quak- 
ers, the Independents having vented their spleen 
against them in a way the most rigorous, and in flat 
contradiction to the laws of Christianity. All other 
grain but wheat thrives in this place with great suc- 
cess ; in particular Indian corn, one grain whereof 
frequently produces 200, and sometimes 2000 grains. 
This corn is of three different colours, viz. blue, 
wkite, and yellow. 

OF NEW YORK. 

The situation of this province is between 72 and 
76 W. long, and between 41 and 44 N. lat. being 
about 200 miles in length, and 100 miles in breadth. 
The lands in the Jerseys and south part of New 
York are low and flat; but as you ascend twenty or 
thirty miles up Hudson's river, the country is rocky 
and mountainous. The air is much milder here in 
winter than in New England, and in summer it is 



loo 

pretty much the same. The produce and ttade 
of New York and the Jerseys consist in cattle, and 
a good breed of horses. They have plenty of wheat 
and other grain, such as Indian corn. Luck-wheat, 
oats, barley, and rye. It abounds also with store of 
fish. They supply* the sugar islands with Hour, salt 
beef, pork, salt fish, and timber planks, in re 
for the produce raised there. 

OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

The extent of this colony i* 200 miles in length, 
and 200 miles in breadth. " The soil is much better 
than in Jersey, chiefly consisting of a black mould ; 
the country rises gradually as in the adjacent pro- 
vinces, having the Apalachian mountains en the 
west, and is divided into six counties. The air. it 
lying in the 40 deg. of X. lat. is near the same as in 
New York, and very healthy to English constitu- 
tions. The produce and merchandise of Pennsyl- 
vania consists in horses, pipe staves, beef, pork, 
salt fish, skins, furs, and a'l sorts of grain, viz. wheat, 
rye. pease, oats, barley, buck-wheat. Indian corn, 
Indian pease, beans, potashes, wax. &c. and in re- 
turn for these commodities, they import from the 
Carribbee islands and other places .rum. sugar, molas- 
ses, silver, negroes, salt, and clothing of all sorts* 
hardware. &e. The nature of th^ soil in Pennsylva- 
nia, the Jerseys, and New York, is extremely pro- 
per to produce hemp. flax. OvC 

If the government of Pennsylvania since the death 
of its first proprietor William Penn, had taken pro- 
per methods to oblige the traders to deal justly with 
the Indians, whore tempers, when exasperated with 
resentment, are more savage than the hungry lion v 
these disasters might have been in a good degree 
prevented. 

I intend to conclude this argument in a" few 
words, and shall endeavour to do justice on both 
sides by adhering strictly to truth. Know there- 



101 

fore, that within these late years, the Indians, being 
tolerably acquainted with the nature of our com- 
merce, have detected the roguery of some of the 
traders, whereupon they lodged many and grievous 
complaints to Colonel Weiser, the interpreter be- 
tween them and the English, of the injurious and 
fraudulent usage they had received for several years 
backwards from white people, who had cheated 
them out of their skins and furs, not giving them 
one quarter their value for them. 

Likewise they remonstrated, that whereas hunt- 
ing was the chief way or art they ever had to earn 
a livelihood by : game was now become very scarce, 
because the whites practised it so much on their 
ground, destroying their prey. Colonel Weiser, their" 
interpreter, advised them to bring down their skins 
and furs to Philadelphia themselves, promising that 
he would take proper care to see their goods vend- 
ed to their advantage. Whereupon they did so, in 
pursuance of his instructions, and finding it their 
interest, resolved to continue in the way he had 
chalked out for them ; for now they were supplied 
with every thing they wanted from the merchants' 
shops, at the cheapest rates. And thus it plainly 
appeared to the Indians that they had been long im- 
posed on by the traders, and therefore they were 
determined to have no more dealings with them. 
This conduct and shyness of the Indians was very 
disagreeable to several gentlemen of the province, 
who were nearly interested in that species of com- 
merce. 

Accordingly in the year 1753 and 1754, some of 
the traders had the assurance to renew iheir friend- 
ship with them, when, instead of remitting them 
clothes and other necessaries as had been usual and 
were most proper for them, they, with insidious 
purposes, carried them large quantities of rum in 
small casks, which they knew the natives were fond 
of, under the colour of giving it them .gratis. In 



102 

this manner were the savages inveigled into liquor 
by the whites, who took the opportunity, while they 
were intoxicated, of going off with their skins and 
furs ; but the natives, recovering from the debauch, 
soon detected the villany, and in revenge killed 
many of the traders, and went directly over to the 
French, who encouraged them to slay every Eng- 
lish person they could meet with, and destroy their 
houses by fire, giving them orders to spare neither 
man, woman, nor child. Besides, as a farther in- 
citement to diligence in this bloody task, they pro- 
mised the savages a reward of £15 sterling for every 
scalp they should take, on producing the same be- 
fore any of his Most Christian Majesty's officers, 
vcivil or military. 

Thus our perfidious enemies instigated those un- 
reasonable barbarians to commence acts of depre- 
dation, violence, and murder, on the several inha- 
bitants of North America in 1754, and more espe- 
cially in Pennsylvania, as knowing it to be the 
most defenceless province on the continent. This 
consideration prompted the savage race to exhaust 
their malicious fury on it in particular. 

OF MARYLAND. 

This country extends about 150 miles in length and 
137 miles in breadth. The lands are low and flat 
next the sea ; towards the heads of rivers they rise 
into hills, and beyond lie the Apalachian mountains, 
which are exceeding high. The air of this province 
is excessive hot some part of the summer, and 
equally cold in the winter, when the north-west 
wind blows ; but the winters are not of so long du- 
ration here as in some other colonies adjoining to 
it. In the spring of the year, they are infested with 
thick heavy fogs that rise from the low lands, which 
render the air more unhealthy for English constitu- 
tions ; and hence it is that, in the aforesaid season, 
the people are constantly afflicted with agues. 



103 

The produee of this country is chiefly tobacco* 
planted and cultivated here with much application t 
and nearly the same success as in Virginia, and 
their principal trade with England is in that article. 
It also affords them most sorts of the grain and 
fruits of Europe and America. 

OF VIRGINIA. 

The extent of this province is computed to be 260 
miles in length and 220 miles in breadth, being 
mostly fiat land. For one hundred miles up the 
country there is scarce a hill or a stone to be seen. 
The air and seasons (it lying between 36 and 39 of 
north lat.) depend very much on the wind, as to 
heat and cold, dryness and moisture. The north 
and north-west winds are very nitrous and piercing 
cold, or else boisterous and stormy : the south and 
south-east winds, hazy and sultry hot. In winter 
they have a fine clear air, which renders it very 
pleasant; the frosts are short, but sometimes so 
very sharp, that rivers are frozen over three miles 
broad. Snow often falls in large quantities ; but 
seldom continues above two or three days at most. 
The soil, though generally sandy and shallow, 
produces tobacco of the best quality, in great abun- 
dance. The people's usual food is Indian corn made 
into hommony, boiled to a pulp, and comes the 
nearest to buttered wheat of any thing I can com- 
pare it to. They have horses, cows, sheep, and 
hogs, in prodigious plenty, many of the last run- 
ning wild in the woods. The regulation kept here 
is much the same as in New England ; every man 
from sixteen to sixty years of age is enlisted into 
the militia, and mustered once a year at a general 
review, and four times a year by troops and com- 
panies. Their military complement, by computa- 
tion, amounts to about 30,000 effective men ; the 
collective number of the inhabitants, men, women. 
i 



104 

and children, to 100,500, and, including servants 
and slaves, to twice that number. 

OF CAROLINA. 

This colony is computed to extend 660 miles in 
length; but its breadth is unknown. The lands 
here are generally low and flat, aid not a hill to be 
seen from St Augustine to Virginia, and a great way 
beyond. It is mostly covered with woods, where 
the planters have not cleared it. About 100 miles 
west of the coast it shoots up into eminences, and 
continues to rise gradually all along to the Apala- 
chian mountains, which are about iGO miles distant 
from the ocean. The north parts of Carolina are 
very uneven, but the ground is extremely proper for 
producing wheat : and all other sorts of grain that 
grow in Europe will come to great perfection here. 
The south parts of Carolina, if properly cultivated, 
might be made to produce silk, wine, and oil. This 
country yields large quantities of rice, of which they 
yearly ship off to other colonies about S0,000 bar- 
rels, each barrel containing 400 weight ; besides 
tbey make abundance of tar, pitch, and turpentine. 
They carry on also a great trade with deer skins 
and Kirs, to all places of Europe, which the English 
receive from the Indians in barter for guns, pow- 
der, kuives, scissars, looking glasses, beads, rum, 
tobacco, coarse cloth, &c. 

The English chapmen carry their pack horses five 
or 600 miles into the country, west of Charlestown ; 
but most of the commerce is confined within the li- 
mits of the Creek and Cherokee nations, which do 
not lie above 350 miles from the coast. The air is 
very temperate and agreeable both summer and 
winter. Carolina is divided into two distinct pro- 
vinces, viz. North and South Carolina. 



105 

OF NOVA SCOTIA. 

This place extends about 600 miles in length, and 
450 in breadth : the air is pretty much the same as 
in Old England : the soil is, for the most part, bar- 
ren ; but where it is cleared and cultivated, it affords 
good corn and pasture. Here is fine timber, and fit 
for building, from whence pitch and tar may be ex- 
tracted. Here also hemp and flax will grow, so that 
this country will be capable of furnishing all man- 
ner of naval stores. It abounds likewise with deer, 
wild fowl, and all sorts of game. On the coast is 
one of the finest cod-fisheries in the world. Euro- 
pean cattle, viz. sheep, oxen, swine, horses, &c. 
they have in great abundance. The winters are 
very cold, their frosts being sharp and of a long 
duration — their summers moderately hot ; so that 
the climate, in the main, seems to be agreeable to 
English constitutions. 

OF CANADA. 
I SHALL close the description of the American co- 
lonies with a short account of the soil and produce 
of French Canada. Its extent is, according to their 
map, 1800 miles in length, and 1260 in breadth. 
The soil in the low lands near the river St Law- 
rence will indeed raise wheat, but, withal, I found 
it so shallow, that it would not produce that gram 
above two years, unless it was properly manured. 
About 20 miles from the said river, so hilly and 
mountainous is the country, that nothing but In- 
dians and wild ravenous beasts resort there. How- 
ever, they have plenty of rye« Indian corn, buck- 
weed, and oats ; likewise of horses, cows, sheep, 
swiae, &e. But I have observed that fruits of any 
kind d.o not come to such perfection here as in some 
of the English settlements, which is owing to the 
long duration and excessive cold of their winters. 
The summer is short, and temperately hot. The 
climate, in general, is healthy and agreeable to Eu- 



106 

ropean constitutions. And so much for the pro- 
vinces in North America. 



IT is now high time to return to the embarkation 
at Quebec. Five hundred of us, being to be sent 
to England, were put on board La Renomme, a 
French packet-boat, Captain Dennis Vitree, com- 
mander : we sailed under a flag of truce, and though 
the French behaved with a good deal of politeness, 
yet we were almost starved for want of provisions. 
One biscuit, and two ounces of pork a day, being 
all our allowance ; and half dead with cold, having 
but few clothes, and the vessel being so small that 
the major part of us were obliged to be upon deck 
in all weathers. After a passage of six weeks, we 
at last, to our great joy, arrived at Plymouth, on 
the 6th of November 1756. But these our troubles 
and hardships were not, as we expected, put a pe- 
riod to for some time ; scruples arising to tlie Com- 
missaries and Admiral there about taking us on 
shore, as there was no cartel agreed on between the 
French and English, we were confined on board, 
until the determination of the Lords of the Admi- 
ralty should be known ; lying there in a miserable 
condition seven or eight days, before we received 
orders to disembark, which, when we were permit- 
ted to do, being ordered from thence, in different 
parties, to Totness, Kingsburgh, Newton Bushel, 
Newton Abbot in Devonshire, 1 was happy in being 
quartered at Kingsbridge, where I met with such ci- 
vilky and entertainment, as I had for a long time 
been a stranger to. 

In about four months we were again ordered to 
Plymouth dock, to be draughted into other regi- 
ments ; where, on being inspected, I was, on ac- 
count of the wound I had received in my hand, dis- 
charged as incapable of further service, and was al- 
lowed the sum of six shillings to carry me home to 
Aberdeen, near the place of my nativity* But find- 



107 

Ing that sum insufficient to subsist me half the tray, 
I was obliged to make my application to the hon- 
ourable gentlemen of the city of York, who, on 
considering my necessity, and reviewing my manu- 
script on tne transactions of the Indians herein be- 
fore mentioned, thought proper to have it printed 
for my own benefit, which they cheerfully sub- 
scribed unto. And after disposing of several of my 
books through the shire, I took the first opportuni- 
ty of going in quest of my relations at Aberdeen, 
where I received very barbarous usage and ill treat- 
ment, occasioned by complaining against the illegal 
practice of kidnapping, in the beginning of my book, 
which I shall hereafter finally describe in the fol- 
lowing pages. 



I 2 




108 



A DISCOURSE ON KIDNAPPING, 

With proper directions for tradesmen and others, to 
avoid slavery, when transported from their native 
country, by the instigation of perfidious traders. 

To make the subject of the ensuing pages the more 
accurate and distinct, I shall, in theirs* place, be- 
gin with the proceedings of the Magistrates of Aber- 
deen, when I arrived in that town in June 175S, 
after having completed the period of my slavery, 
as related in the beginning of this narrative. No 
sooner had I o lie red this little work to sale in that 
town, which was then my only means of subsist- 
ence, than I was arraigned on a summary complaint 
at the instance of the Magistrates, before their own 
tribunal, and carried by three or four town officers 
to the bar of that tremendous Court of Judicature. 
The complaint exhibited against me contained in 
substance, i4 That I had been guilty of causing 
print, and of publishing and dispersing this scurri- 
lous and infamous libel, reflecting greatly upon the 
characters and reputations of the merchants in 
Aberdeen, and on the town in general, without any 
ground or reason, whereby the corporation of the 
city, and whole members thereof, were greatly hurt 
and prejudged ; and that, therefore, I ought to be 
exemplarily punished in my person and goods ; and 
that the said book, and whole copies thereof, ought 
to be seized and publicly burnt.- ' Such was the 
tenor of the complaint ; and instead of allowing me 
an opportunity of taking advice, in time to prepare 
for my defence. I was hurried before them, and 



109 

concussed by threats of imprisonment to make a 
declaration of a very extraordinary cast, and dic- 
tated by themselves ; bearing, that " I had no 
ground for advancing and uttering the calumnies 
mentioned in my book against the merchants in 
Aberdeen, but the fancy I took in my younger years, 
which stuck on ?ny memory, though I did not find, that 
I had reason so to do ; nor did I believe these things to 
be true ; and that I was willing to contradict, in a 
public manner, what I had so advanced," &c. 

After eliciting this declaration, the Magistrates, 
without adjournment, t; appointed me to find cau- 
tion to stand trial on the said complaint at any time 
when called for, and imprisoned till performance ; 
and ordered all the copies of my book to be lodged 
in the clerk's chamber." My books were accord- 
ingly seized, and myself committed to the custody 
of the town-officers, who conducted me to jail, and 
where I must have lain till neKt day, had not my 
landlord bailed me cut. Next forenoon the Magis- 
trates proceeded to sentence on their own complaint ; 
and accordingly, they ordained the offensive leaves 
of all the copies of the said book to be cut out, and 
publicly burnt at the market-cross by the hands of 
the common hangman, the town-officers attending 
and publishing the cause of the burning ; that 1 
should give in a signed declaration of much the 
same tenor with theformer, begging pardon of the 
magistrates and merchants in the most submissive 
manner, and desiring this my recantation to be in- 
serted in the York newspapers, or any other news- 
papers they should think proper ; and also, ordain- 
ed me to be incarcerated in the tolbooth, till I 
granted the said declaration ; and amerciated me 
in ten shillings sterling, under the pain of imprison- 
ment ; and immediately after to remove out of 
town." 

Such was the sentence of the Magistrates of Aber- 
deen against me> every particular of which wa 



-110 

forthwith put in execution in the most rigorous 
manner. Had these judges had the least reflection, 
they must have been conscious, that, in every step 
of their procedure, they were committing the gros- 
sest abuse. The complaint was made by their or* 
der and direction, and served at their own instiga- 
tion, by which means they were first the accusers, 
and afterwards the eondemners. The subject of it 
was so irrelevant, that they must have been sensi- 
ble they were prosecuting an innocent man, for re- 
lating the melancholy particulars of his life, which 
ought to have rendered him rather an object of their 
protection than of their malice. The facts he had 
set forth in his book, relating to the original of his 
misfortnno. were so flagrant, that, had he sued for 
it, he was entitled to redress against the authors of 
his miseries, from those very magistrates who now 
had the cruelty to aggravate them, by inflicting ad- 
ditional hardships. To pretend ignorance is a very 
lame excuse. Ke must have been a very youthful 
magistrate in 1758, who could not remember some 
circumstances of a public branch of trade carried 
on in 1744. It is inconceivable, that, of a whole 
bench of magistrates, no less than six in number, 
not one was of an age capable of recollecting what 
had happened only fourteen years before : nor is it 
to be presumed, that, of almost all the inhabitants 
nf Aberdeen, they alone, who had the best access 
to know the trafhc of the town, should remain ig- 
norant of a commerce, which was carried on in the 
market-places, on the high streets, and in the 
avenues to the town, in the most public manner. 
Neither of these suppositions will easily gain credit. 
The magistrates ore commonly of such an age, and 
ought to be men of such reflection, as to render the 
first impossible ; and the second, for the reasons 
given above, is equally incredible. Every impartial 
person must therefore be persuaded, that the ma- 
gistrates were not unacquainted with that illicit 



Ill 

species of trade openly carried on in that city about 
Che year 1744, and prior to that period. To prove 
that there was such an infamous traffic, I appeal 
to the depositions of several witnesses, some of 
whom shared in the calamity by the loss of their 
children and other relations. These I have sub- 
joined, as they occur in the proof taken on my part. 



DEPOSITIONS OF WITNESSES, 

ON THE PART OP 

PETER WILLIAMSON. 



Alexander King depones, that he knew the de- 
ceased James Williamson, in Hirnley, in the pa- 
rish of Aboyne ; that the said James Williamson 
had a son, named Peter Williamson, whom the de- 
ponent knew when he was a boy ; and he seeing 
the said Peter Williamson immediately at his emit- 
ting this deposition, he is very sure that he is the 
identical Peter Williamson, whom he knew when 
he was a boy. Depones, that some years before 
the battle of Culloden, it was the general report of 
the country, that when the said Peter Williamson, 
the pursuer, was a little boy, going with a clipped 
head, he was taken at Aberdeen, and carried to 
Philadelphia, along with several other boys. De- 
pones, that, about that time, the deponent had a 
conversation with the said James Williamson con- 
cerning his son Peter, who told the deponent seve- 
ral times, that he came into Aberdeen seeking his 



lie 

son Peter, but they would not let him near hand 
hiin. Depones, that the said James Williamson 
told the deponent, that his son Peter was in custo- 
dy in a barn at Aberdeen, and they would not let 
him speak to him ; and afterwards, the said James 
Williamson told the' deponent, that the merchants 
of Aberdeen had carried away his son to Philadel- 
phia, and sold him for a slave. Depones, that he 
heard in the country by report, that John Elphing- 
ston. merchant in Aberdeen, and one Black a mer- 
chant there, whether James or George he does not 
remember, did deal in that way of carrying away 
boys. And farther depones, that the said James 
Williamson told him, the deponent, that his son 
Peter was carried away without his consent, and he 
saw the father shed many salt tears on that account. 

John Wilson depones, that he knew, and was well 
acquainted with James Williamson in Hirnley, and 
with all his children, particularly his son Peter 
Williamson. Depones, that the said Peter William- 
son having gone to Aberdeen, as the deponent was 
informed, he was carried away therefrom to the 
plantations; and when his father and friends mis- 
sed him, they made search for him many ways in 
the country, but could not find him ; and the said 
James Williamson went to Aberdeen in search of 
him, and, upon his return, he told the deponent 
that he had been at Aberdeen seeking his son Pe- 
ter, but could not find him, and was informed that 
he was taken up at Aberdeen, and carried to the 
plantations. Depones, that he believes, when the 
said Peter Williamson was amissing, he was about 
eight or ten years of acre, and was a stout boy : and 
the deponent seeing the said Peter Williamson im- 
mediately at emitting this deposition, he is sure that 
he is the identical person whom he knew, before he 
went away, to be James Williamson's son, and was 
at the said Peter Williamson's baptism. 

Francis Frazer of Findracl* Esq, depones, that, 



113 

about 20 years ago, he knew the deceased James 
Williamson, living in Upper Balnacraig, in the pa- 
rish of Lumphanan, and that he heard the said 
James Williamson lived formerly in Hirniey, in the 
parish of Aboyne. Depones, he knew several of the 
said James Williamson's children, and he heard it 
was the practice of son e of the merchants of Aber- 
deen to kidnap young children, and send them to 
the plantations to he sold for slaves. Depones, he 
heard in the country that il\e said James William- 
son, or his wife, had gone into Aberdeen, and one 
of their sons, called Peter Williamson, had follow- 
ed, and that James Smith, saddler in Aberdeen, had 
picked the said Peter ; and the deponent heard he 
was either put in prison, or put on board a ship, till 
the ship sailed. Depones, it was the voice of the 
country, that James Williamson and his wife re- 
gretted, or made a clamour for the loss of their son, 
not knowing what was become of him, 

Robert Reid depones, that, to the best of his re- 
membrance, he came to Aberdeen in the year 1740, 
to see his sister ; that his sister proposed to the de- 
ponent to go to a barn, to see the country boys who 
were going over to Philadelphia, and to carry home 
to their parents some accounts of them ; that the 
deponent accordingly went over, and heard music 
and a great noise in said barn, but the deponent re- 
fused to go in, because it occurred to him that he 
had heard in his own country that many boys had 
been decoyed by particular artifices of merchants 
(and he has heard John Burnet named) to go over 
to America. Depones, that he was told that the 
number of boys in the said barn was between thirty 
and forty. Depones, that some time after this the 
deponent's mother refused to allow the deponent to 
2:0 into Aberdeen, and mentioned as the reason of 
ibis refusal, that the son of one Williamson, a ten- 
ant of Lord Aboyne' s, in Hirniey, and who lived 
within two miles of her, was amissing. 



114 

Isabel Wilson depones, that 6he went to Aberdeen 
in the year 1740, and lived there for seven years and 
a half, and that she heard it frequently reported in 
Aberdeen, that many young people of both sexes were 
decoyed by the artifices of merchants in Aberdeen, par- 
ticularly John Burnet and John Elphingston, to en- 
gage to go over to America. That she once went into 
a malt-barn to see one Peter Ley, who had engaged to 
go to America, and might be about thirty years of age : 
that, upon that occasion, she saw the barn full of boys 
and men, to the number of fifty and upwards, as she 
believes, and that they had a piper amongst them ; 
and that particularly she saw two young boys, called 
Elsmies, whom she knew, and who were the sons of 
a widow woman there ; the youngest of whom ap- 
peared to her to be about ten years of age, and the el- 
dest about fourteen years. Depones, that after she 
left Aberdeen and went back to her own country, she 
has heard James Williamson, tenant of Lord Aboyne, 
in the town of Hirnley, frequently complain that a 
son of his had been amissing, and he did not know 
what became of him. 

Margaret Reid depones, that, about the year 1740 
or 41, she heard that many young boys were decoyed 
by merchants in Aberdeen, particularly John Burnet, 
to go over to America; and that, about that time, one 
Peter Ley, and two brothers of the name of Elsraie, 
who lived in Aboyne,in the deponent's neighbourhood, 
were amissing, and were much regretted by their mo- 
ther, and who were believed to have been carried 
over to America. Depones, that, in the parish of 
Aboyne, they were generally afraid to send their boys 
on errands to Aberdeen, for fear they should be car- 
ried off*. Depones, that she did not know the age of 
the said two Elsmies, but from their appearance the one 
might be ten or twelve, and the other seven or eight 
years. Depones, that James Williamson, tenant in 
Hirnley of Aboyne, had a son who was amissing, whose 
Bame was Peter* and who the deponent knew very 



115 

well at that time, and who in the year 1740, might 
be nine or ten years of age, in the deponent's opinion ; 
that in that year he was sent into Aberdeen to be un- 
der his aunt's care, his mother being dead : That soon 
thereafter he was amissing, and the deponent has fre- 
quently heard his father regret him very much, who 
went into Aberdeen in search of him, but could not 
find him; and that it was the general opinion of the 
country, and the opinion of his father also, that he 
was carried over to America. 

George Johnston depones, that he was sent over to 
Virginia by an uncle, to be put under the care of a 
friend there; that the ship in which he sailed was 
called the Indian Queen, Captain Ferguson, com- 
mander ; and the said ship sailed from Aberdeen, and 
had above sixty boys on board, under indentures to 
serve for a number of years in Virginia : That, as the 
deponent has been frequently informed, many of these 
boys were engaged by different artifices to enter into 
the said indentures, without the consent of their pa- 
rents ; and the deponent particularly knows, that 
there were two brothers went over in the said ship, 
viz. James and William Sheds, the eldest of whom 
was about fifteen years of age, and the other about six 
years; that these two brothers were bought by one 
John Graham, in Quantigo Creek, in Virginia; that 
the eldest served out the time of his indenture, which 
was five years, and the youngest was adjudged to 
serve the said John Graham until he was twenty- 
one years of age. Depones, that he has been well 
informed, that James Abernethy, John Elphing- 
stone, and John Burnet, merchants in Aberdeen, 
were very much employed in engaging boys as 
aforesaid. Depones that he knows that six or seven 
of the boys before-mentioned were sold in Virginia 
to different masters ; one of them, named Thomas 
Whitehead, was sold to the deponent's master; 
that one of them, called James Shed, the youngest 
of the two Sheds above-mentioned, was sold to a 

K ' 






116 

planter within three miles of where the deponeut 
lived; that he deserted his master's service, was 
apprehended and whipped for so doing, and ad- 
judged to serve for a year longer than otherwise he 
was obliged to do, he having deserted his service 
for the space of a month. Depones, that he knows 
'that in the year 1745, there came a ship from Aber- 
deen to Virginia, and that he was particularly ac- 
quainted with Thomas Whitehead above-mention- 
ed, who, upon recollection, he remembers came 
over a passenger in that ship, and not in the ship 
before-mentioned ; that the said Thomas 'White- 
head acquainted the deponent, that he was engag- 
ed by James Abernethy, merchant in Aberdeen, to 
go to Virginia to serve there. Depones, that the 
boys brought over as above, and engaged to serve 
in Virginia, are in use to be maintained by their 
masters during the time of their service ; and at the 
end of their service to get 50s. sterling, and have 
no other encouragement. Depones, that during 
their service, they are commonly very harshly used 
by their masters, and kept upon a very coarse diet, 
so that they are often forced to desperate measures, 
and to make away with themselves. Depones, that 
be returned to Britain in the end of the year 1745, 
and soon thereafter^ came to Aberdeen : and that 
there several of the parents of the children that had 
gone ov*r with him, came to the deponent, and 
with great anxiety inquired after their children ; 
and particularly one Helen Law asked the depon- 
ent about her son, and at the same time poured out 
a great many curses upon the said James Aberne- 
thy for decoying young boys and sending them to 
America, and particularly her own son ; and this 
she did in presence of the said James Abernethy. 
And depones, that the deponent was s.'nt down by 
his master, along with John Spriggs, to bring up, 
the said Thomas Whitehead, together with several 
others of the boys that came along with him. in or- 



117 

der for gale. Depones, that he never saw the pur- 
suer in Virginia, but has good reason to believe he 
was there, not only because some of his nearest re- 
lations had told him so, but that himself had con- 
versed particularly with him, with regard to seve- 
ral persons and places there, of which he gave a 
just and true account. 

Alexander Grigerson depones, that he and another 
boy (whose name he does not remember) were 
coming from the Mill of Crathy, where, they had 
been seeking their meat, and near to a birch wood 
near to the Kirk of Crathy, three countrymen on 
horseback came up with them, but the deponent 
knew none of them ; and they ask-ed the deponent 
and the other boy that was along with him, if they 
would go with them, and they would clothe them 
like gentlemen, and said very kind things to them ; 
but the deponent, being older than the" other boy, 
made answer, that they would go along with them ; 
for it struck the deponent in the head, that perhaps 
he and the other boy were to be carried abroad, in 
respect of a rumour prevailing in the country, that 
young boys were carried abroad at that time. De- 
pones, that upon their refusing to go akrag with 
the said three men, they said they would force 
them, and thereupon alighted from their horses ; 
and while the said three men were tying their 
horses to growing trees, he, the deponent, and the 
other boy, ran away into the wood, and hid them- 
selves into a thick bush, and the three men follow- 
ed them, but did not find them, though they passed 
by within three yards of them ; and the deponent 
heard one of them say, " a Go you that way, and I 
shall go this way, and if we can find them in this 
bush, we can easily take them up." Depones, that 
he and the other boy stayed about half an hour in 
the bush, till they found the said three men were 
gone away, and then he, the deponent, and the 
other boy, went back to the Mill of Crathy. 



118 

Margaret Ross depones, that about 17 years ago, she 
had a son, named James Ingram, then about twelve 
years of age, whom she sent an|errand to Aberdeen, and 
who at that time was taken up by Alexander Gray, 
merchant in Aberdeen, in order to be carried to the 
plantations ; that he was detained in Aberdeen about 
eight days, but had liberty to'go through the town with 
other boys, and they used to go in companies, beating 
the drum. Depones, that, on Sunday thereafter, she 
came to the chapel in the Gallowgate to hear worship, 
and she saw her son there, and got hold of him, and 
carried him home with her toLoanhead, which is about 
half a mile from Aberdeen. Depones, that she kept her 
said son at home for some time, until four men came 
out of Aberdeen for him, in the night time, while the 
deponent and her husband were in bed, and their son 
James lying at their feet. Depones, she knew none of 
these four men, but they told they were come from the 
said Alexander Gray, and wanted to carry the said 
James Ingram into Aberdeen. Depones, that when 
her son heard them saying so, he wept and shed tears ; 
and they insisting, caused him to rise out of bed, and 
go along with them to Aberdeen, and his father follow- 
ed them ; and she was told by her husband, they went 
to Alexander Gray's house. Depones, that next day, 
the said John Ingram, her husband (as he informed 
the deponent,) came into Aberdeen, and met with 
Alexander Gray, and sought back his son ; who said 
to him, that if he would pay seven pounds Scots, for 
the expence of maintaining his son while he was with 
Alexander Gray, in that case he should get back his 
son ; but their circumstances could not allow them to 
pay the said seven pounds. Depones, that thereafter 
t-he came into Aberdeen, and met with Provost Aber- 
dein, who was then Provost of the town, and represent- 
ed the case to him, and he sent for Alex. Gray, to come 
to the town-house and speak with the Provost. De- 
pone?, that when he came, the Provost asked him, if 
he had a boy of the deponent's with him ? to which 



11© 

Alexander Gray answered, that he hadaboy, one James 
Ingram; whereupon the Provost said to him, that he 
did not think it right to take up any person's child 
without consent of parents, to which Alexander Gray 
answered, that the boy complained that his mother 
was not good to him ; and the Provost replied, that 
a parent could not correct a child out of time, and de- 
sired that the deponent should get her son ; where- 
upon Alexander Gray asked, who would pay his 
charges for maintaining the hoy while he had him ? 
at the same time Gray said, he had given off the boy 
to one Mr Copland, in the Gallowgate. Depones, 
that the Provost sent an officer for Mr Copland, who 
could not be found that day ; but the Provost de- 
sired the deponent to go home, and return the next 
day to the town-house, and she should get her son. 
Depones, that on her return, the Provost sent for 
Mr Copland, and ordered him to give the deponent 
her son ; and he asked, who would pay the charges 
of him ? and the Provost replied, that when his fa- 
ther grew rich, he would cut stones for him, he 
being a stone-cutter to his employment. Depones, 
that Mr Copland went along with her to a barn at 
the backside of the town, where her son and several 
other boys w T ere, the door thereof was open, and 
James Ross, an officer, standing thereat. Depones, 
that several of the boys came out of the barn, call- 
ing to Mr Copland for shoes and other necessaries 
that they wanted, and her son came to the door to 
her, and Mr Copland desired to take from him a 
striped w 7 aistcoat that he had given him, which w 7 as 
taken from him accordingly, and the deponent put 
a plaid about her son above his shirt, and carried 
him home with her. Depones, that she kept her 
son at home a considerable time with herself, there- 
after he went into Aberdeen, and w^as taken up (a3 
she w r as informed) by one Lunan in Aberdeen, who 
went over with boys, a trader to the plantations. 
Depones, that before her son went away, he was put 
k2 



120 

icto the tolbootli of Aberdeen, and kept there for 
several weeks by the said Mr Lunan : and the de- 
ponent went twice or thrice to the tolbooth and saw 
her son there, and gave him her blessing before he 
went away, and she never saw him since. Depones, 
that when she went into Alexander Gray's shop, 
who caused first to apprehend her boy, to seek him 
back, the said Alexander Gray took her by the 
shoulders, and thrust her out of his shop. Depones, 
that at the aforesaid time, when her son was taken 
up and carried away, provisions were very dear and 
scarce, and many were difnculted to get their bread, 
but the deponent and her husband were in a condi- 
tion to have maintained her sou, and never con- 
sented to his being carried off. John Ingram de- 
pones, — conform to the said Margaret his spouse. 

William Jamieson depones, that in spring 1741, 
and for some years before and after, the deponent 
resided with his family in the town of Old Meld rum, 
which he reckons to be twelve computed miles from 
Aberdeen ; that the deponent had a son named John, 
who was, in the spring 1741, between ten and eleven 
years of age ; that about that time the said John Iris 
son having been amissing from his house, the de- 
deppnent was informed by the neighbours in Old 
Meldrum, the day after he was amissing. that they 
saw a man. whom they said was a servant to John 
Burnet, late merchant in Aberdeen, who was com- 
monly called Bonny John, with the deponent's said 
son, and two other boys much about the same age, 
travelling towards Aberdeen, and that his son would 
be sent to the plantations : that in two or three days 
after receiving ibis information, the deponent went 
to Aberdeen, where he found the said John Burnet, 
who told him that he had several boys, but did not 
know whether the deponent's son was amongst 
them ; but said, that though he was. the deponent 
woidd not get him back, because he was engaged 
with him : that the deponent upon this left Mr Em «= 



121 

net, and went down to the shore, where he had been 
informed the boys were out getting the air; that 
when he came there, he observed a great number of 
boys, he thinks about sixty, diverting themselves ; 
that they were attended by a man, who the depon- 
ent was im formed by the people of the town was 
employed for that purpose by the said John Burnet ; 
that this man had a horsewhip, and the deponent 
observed him striking the boys therewith when they 
went out of the crowd. Depones, that he observing 
his own son John among the boys, and called upon 
him ; that the boy came unto him and told him, that 
he would willingly go home with him if he was al- 
lowed ; that immediately upon this the person who 
was Mr Burnet's overseer, came up and gave the 
boy a lash with his whip, and took him by the 
shoulder and carried him amongst the rest, and im- 
mediately drove them off, and carried them to a barn, 
where the deponent saw them locked in by the fore- 
mentioned overseer, who put the key in his pocket : 
that the place where the boys were standing when 
the deponent spoke with his son as above deponed 
on, was on the shore, and the deponent thinks, as 
far distant from the fore-mentioned barn as from the 
Writer's Court to the Netherbow Port ; that when 
the boys were marching up to the barn, the depon- 
ent kept pace with the overseer, who followed im- 
mediately after the boys, entreating of him to get 
liberty to speak to his son ; who answered him, that 
he should get leave to speak to him by and bye, 
when they were come to the barn ; but when they 
came there, the overseer locked the door, as above 
mentioned, and refused the deponent access : that 
the deponent never saw his son after this : that the 
deponent, in passing through the town of Aberdeen, 
after his son was locked up from him, was told by 
several trades people and others to whom he had 
told the story of his son, that it would be in vain for 
him to apply to the magistrate to get his son libe- 



122 

rated; because some of the magistrates had a hand 
in those doings as well as the said John Burnet ; 
upon which the deponent went home. That in sum- 
mer thereafter, the deponent came up to Edinburgh, 
to take advice what he should do in this matter, 
being certainly informed by the voice of the country 
that the ship on board of which his son was put had 
sailed for Maryland about a fortnight or so after 
that day when the deponent was at Aberdeen, and 
saw liis son as before mentioned. That after the 
deponent came up to Edinburgh, he was recom- 
mended to the deceased Mr "William Seton, writer 
to the signet, who gave him a libelled summons 
against the said John Burnet, before the Lords of 
Council and Session, for restitution of the depon- 
ent's son : that none of the messengers in Aberdeen 
would execute the summons against John Burnet, 
because they would not disoblige him for any thing 
the deponent could give them ; which obliged the 
deponent to send a messenger from Old Meldrum 
to Aberdeen : that the deponent having insisted in 
this summons, the said John Burnet applied to the 
late Earl of Aberdeen, who sent for the deponent's 
father, his tenant, and the deponent's father came 
and carried him to the house of Haddo, where the 
Earl and John Burnet were at that time : that at 
this meeting it was agreed, that the said John Bur- 
net should give the deponent his bond to restore his 
son to him within the space of a twelvemonth, under 
the penalty of £50 sterling : that the deponent did 
not get the said bond, but that the Earl of Aber- 
deen promised that he would cause John Burnet to 
grant the bond : that the deponent thinks, to the 
best of his remembrance, this meeting was in the 
end of summer 1742 : that shortly thereafter Lord 
Aberdeen died, and the deponent having enlisted as 
a soldier, was sent over to Flanders, where he serv- 
ed some years, and upon his return John Burnet 
was become bankrupt, and had left the country ; 



123 

and the deponent knows not whether his son is dead 
or alive, having never heard of him since he was 
carried from Aberdeen, and never got the bond be- 
fore mentioned from John Burnet. 

George Leslie depones, that about the year 1742, it 
was the current report that Hugh Mackie, stabler in 
Aberdeen, was employed by John Burnet, merchant in 
Aberdeen, for taking up boys, that they might be car- 
ried to the plantations. Depones, that the said Hugh 
Mackie, with a gang of five or six boys along with him, 
was at the back of the Gallowgate, where the deponent 
was working as a mason's servant, and they observed a 
boy coming down the street, they took hold of him but 
the boy struggled and got out of their gripes ; where- 
upon Hugh Mackie kicked the said boy with his foot, 
and turned him into the loch, and the boy being hurt, 
was confined in the house of Harry Black, stabler, for 
eight or ten days, till he recovered ; but the deponent 
does not know what became of that boy afterwards. — 
Depones, that he saw a parcel of boys and girls con- 
fined in a barn in the Green, before they were sent to 
the plantations. Depones, that he believes they were 
of different ages, from ten to fifteen years. 

Christian Findlater depones, that some years before 
the battle of Culloden, Hugh Mackie, stabler in the 
Gallowgate of Aberdeen, and James Wilson, stabler 
there, were employed for taking up boys to be sent to 
the plantations; and one time he saw the said Hugh 
Mackie driving a parcel of boys before him down the 
Gallowgate, with a staff in his hand, and she has seen 
him chasing boys in at closes. Depones, she saw some 
boys looking out at the window of a barn in the Green, 
and she reckons they were kept there till they should 
be sent to the plantations ; and she heard there were 
other places in town where boys were kept until they 
should be sent away. Depones, that, according to her 
knowledge and belief some of these boys would have 
been twelve years of age, others of them thirteen, and 
some above and some less ; and she saw among them 5 



1<24 

lads from the Highlands of the size of men, and wo- 
men also ; and the boys generally strapping boys. — 
Depones, that she heard one Mr Copland, in Aberdeen, 
was concerned in employing Hugh Mackie and James 
Wilson for the above purpose. 

Robert Brand depones, that about the month of 
June 1738, he, the deponent, saw James Thomson, 
Dean of Guild's officer, carrying out of George Mackie's 
house (where Peter Williamson was quartered at that 
time) a parcel of books, bound or stitched in blue pa- 
per ; the deponent does not know the number of them. 
Depones, that thereafter he saw a servant maid of 
George Mackie's coming down stairs of Mr Mackie's 
house, after the town officer had come out of it, and 
the deponent asked her what was the matter ; and she 
answered him, that it was the town officers carrying 
away Mr Williamson's books to the clerk's chamber, 
where Mr Williamson was himself, this was the second 
burden of them. 

George Mackie depones, that two or three of the 
town officers came to the deponent's own house, and 
he saw them carry away all the copies of the said 
pamphlets or books, and the said Peter Williamson 
was along with the officers, and they were carried to 
the town-house. Depones, that he saw some of these 
drop by the way, as the officers were carrying them to 
the town-house, but he does not know how many copies 
were so dropped, neither did he see Peter Williamson 
take up any of the dropt copies. Depones, that when 
Peter Williamson was appointed by the magistrates to 
find bail for his appearance to stand trial on trie com- 
plaint against him, at the instnnce of the Dean of Guild 
and Procurator Fiscal, and when he was put in. prison 
till he should find the said bail, he, the said Peter 
Williamson, sent for the deponent to speak to him 
and to bail him : Accordingly the deponent came 
up the tolbooth stair, and found him confined in 
that part of the prison opposite to the door of the 
court-room, and the deponent spoke to the said 



125 

Peter Williamson through the bars of the door of 
the place where he was confined ; and that the said 
Peter Williamson desired the deponent to become 
bail for him, and he the deponent became bail for 
his appearance before the Magistrates, and he thinks 
he signed something for that purpose, and there- 
upon the said Peter Williamson was set at liberty ; 
and the deponent had him over to his house, and 

S resented him before the Magistrates the next day. 
tepones, that after the Magistrates had pronounced 
sentence against the said Peter Williamson, he came 
over to the deponent's house, and told the depon- 
ent, that he had been threatened to sign a paper, 
obliging himself to go out of the town, and that if 
he did not sign the paper, he was threatened to be 
again imprisoned ; thereafter, the said Peter Wil- 
liamson hurried himself away out of the deponent's 
house in less than a quarter of an hour, leaving be- 
hind him some of his baggage, which he desired to 
be sent after him to Newcastle, and which the de- 
ponent sent to him accordingly. Depones, that he 
was an inhabitant of Aberdeen from the year 1740, 
and that about the year 1741. downward to the 
year 1744, it was a custom for several of the mer- 
chants of Aberdeen to carry on a trade of trans- 
porting young boys and women to the plantations, 
of different ages. — Depones, that he knew the per- 
sons after-named were concerned in that way of 
trade, viz. George Garioch, John Elphingston, John 
Burnet, Alexander Gray, Lewis Gordon, and An- 
drew Logie, all merchants in Aberdeen, and James 
Smith, saddler there. 

James Rattray depones, that some more than 
three years ago, the pursuer, Peter Williamson, was 
in Aberdeen, and being carried before the Magis- 
trates by the town-officers, the deponent, as he un- 
derstood Peter Williamson was a stranger, having 
been several times in company with him before that 
day, he went into the court-house, where he heard 



126 

the clerk and some of the Magistrates, but cannot 
particularly say which of them, challenge the said 
Peter Williamson for selling and distributing the 
pamphlet libelled, reflecting upon the merchants of 
Aberdeen as kidnappers, and that they used very 
rough language to the said Peter Williamson, but 
he does not remember the expressions, not having 
given great attention thereto, at least, the expres- 
sions have now escaped his memory. Depones, that 
before the deponent left the court, he saw the pur- 
suer carried off by the town-officers, by order of the 
court, but knows not where they carried him to, 
further than that next day, or the day thereafter, 
the deponent happening to be in the house of George 
M ackie, inn-keeper, he was informed by the said 
George Mackie, that Peter Williamson was obliged 
to leave the town ; and that he, the said George 
Mackie, had become bail to present him to the Ma- 
gistrates any time within six months, under a pen- 
alty ; and that both Mackie and his wife said to the 
deponent that he had been very ill used by the Ma- 
gistrates. 




127 



DEPOSITIONS OF WITNESSES 

ON THE PART OP 

THE MAGISTRATES. 



George Garioch, merchant in Aberdeen, depones, 
that about the year 1740, and forward for some 
years, several of the gentlemen merchants in Aber- 
deen, were in use to indent servants for America: 
and if any young boys or girls of under-age were 
so indented, and that any of their parents or rela- 
tions came to claim them back, even after they 
were indented and attested, they were, so far as the 
deponent knows or remembers, delivered back to 
their parents or relations, upon paying up what 
money the merchant had disbursed on their account. 
Depones, that he was informed, that, unless a ser- 
vant was attested, their indentures were of no avail, 
and which was his own opinion. Depones, that 
several servants were indented in the years 1740 
and 1741, at which time provisions were scarce in 
this country ; that many servants were turned oft 
from their masters, who could not afford them daily 
bread for their work, which forced sundry persons 
to come from the country to Aberdeen and indent ; 
and on that account, the deponent himself, at that 
period, indented severals out of charity, and, for 
the above reasons, believes he was the first, at the 



128 

time of scarcity, that began to indent such servants. 
And being interrogated by the said Peter William- 
son, whether or not he employed people to go and 
inlist such kind of servants through the country ; 
or if all the servants he inlisted about that period, 
came to the deponent's house, voluntarily, to be 
indented by him ? depones that he never employed 
persons to go and bring persons to be indented as 
servants at his house, but such as he indented came 
of themselves, or with their companions, voluntari- 
ly to him ; and that some of those who had indent- 
ed he has afterwards discharged without exacting 
any money cf them. And being further interrogat- 
ed by the said Peter Williamson, whether or not 
there were any boys or children, from eight to four- 
teen years of age. that indented themselves with 
the deponent ; or did their parents, after they were 
indented, come and demand them back from you 
after they were indented ? or did you not send over 
boys of that age, after they desired themselves to 
be released, or that their parents or relations had 
come and demanded them back ? and were any of 
such young boys or children offered up by their pa- 
rents or relations to you to be indented for scarcity 
of bread, who were to your knowledge the master 
of such servants who dismissed them as before said ? 
and whether or not did you sell such indented boys 
in America — for what number of years, and what 
sums did you receive for them ? depones, that he 
never indented any boy or girl of eight or ten years 
of age, except when the parents of such children 
indented with him likewise. Depones, that he ne- 
ver sent off any boys or girls of under age indented 
wdth him, that had been demanded back by their 
parents or friends. Depones, that never did" he in- 
dent any boys or girls in town without their parents 
consent. Depones, that several servants were in- 
dented as aforesaid to the deponent, who told the 
deponent they were turned off by their masters for 



129 

want of bread ; but does not remember the name of 
their masters. Depones, that he went net to Ame- 
rica himself, but that their indentures were sold 
there from £5 to £8 sterling; that such as were of 
under age might be indented for five or six years, 
and such as were of full age only for four. 

Alexander Gordon, shipmaster in Aberdeen, de- 
pones, that it has been a practice for to indent ser- 
vants to be carried from Aberdeen to the plantations 
in America, from the year 1735, downward to the 
year 1753 ; and that during the foresaid period, he 
has been concerned himself in that trade of indent- 
ing, for his own account, and of his owners, ser- 
vants from Aberdeen, and carrying them over to 
the American Plantations, in different ships, com- 
manded by him on different voyages, viz. in the 
brig Diligence, to Philadelphia, ami the Ruby, to 
Virginia and Maryland. Depones, that he has car- 
ried over boys, but not under fourteen years of 
age, and that no indentures can be taken for ser- 
vants of fourteen years of age to continue longer 
than the servants attain the age of twenty-one years, 
by the custom of Maryland ; and that the price he 
generally received for such servants, in Maryland 
and at Philadelphia, amounted to about £10 ster- 
ling over head. 

Alexander Gray, merchant in Aberdeen, depones, 
that it was a custom nineteen or twenty years ago, 
and since, that several merchants in the town of 
Aberdeen, were in the practice of hiring boys, girls, 
and ether servants, attested before the Magistrates 
of Aberdeen, or some other justice of peace, to be 
carried to America or other of his Majesty's Plan- 
tations, to be disposed of there. Causa scierdice, the 
deponent dealt in that way himself. 

Helen Law depones, that about the year 1740, 
1741, 1742, and since, several of the merchants of 
Aberdeen were in practice to inlist boys to be in- 
dented to cany over as servants to the plantations^ 



130 

viz. George Black, Alexander Gray, George and 
Andrew Gariochs, Mr Copland, James Abernethy, 
John Elphingston, all merchants in Aberdeen, and 
Captain Robert Ragg, shipmaster, and Janes 
Smith, saddler there ; and that these several mer- 
chants have employed the deponent to furnish diet 
to boys and servants that had indented with them. 
Depones, that about seventeen years past the month 
of May last, the deponent was employed to furnish 
diet to a parcel of boys and servants that were after- 
wards carried over from Aberdeen to the planta- 
tions by the said Captain Robert Ragg. Depones, 
that there were nine of the young boys, whom she 
dieted at that time, that were never confined, but 
that several of the big boys and men, who were 
threatening to run off, that were afterwards confin- 
ed in prison, or in the workhouse of Aberdeen, for 
some short time before Capt. Ragg sailed. Depones, 
that among the boys that were never confined and 
dieted at her house there was one boy named Peter 
M ; William, who would have been upwards of twelve 
years of age, a long stowie clever boy (by which 
she means a growthie boy). Depones, that these 
boys came not at all at one time to diet with her ; 
she began with some of them a little after Martin- 
mas, and they were continuing to come to her till 
within a day or two before the sailing of the ship in 
May thereafter ; and that their weekly board was 
twenty pence a week for each ; and that the boy 
Peter M* William was some weeks dieted by her. 
Depones, that there were four or five of those board- 
ed with her that were delivered back by the mer- 
chants to their friends, on paying the charges they 
had cost the merchants. Depones, that for five 
weeks before the ship commanded by Captain Ro- 
bert Ragg sailed from the harbour of Aberdeen, she 
lay at the key of Tory, and the boys were carried 
over to the ship : during which space the deponent 
went over and hired a house at Tory, in which she 



i 



131 

made their diet, and carried it to them on board 
the said ship during that space : and the deponent 
was informed that the reason why the ship lay at 
Tory, was, that she was neeped, and had no water 
to carry her over the bar. And being further in- 
terrogated, if Peter Williamson, whom she now 
sees before her, is the identical person that dieted 
at the time aforesaid with her, then named Peter 
j|' William ? depones, that she cannot swear that 
he is the same person, for several of these boys re- 
turned from the plantations a few years after, whom 
she did not know again when she saw them, by rea- 
son of the change at that time. Depones, that she 
had a son of her own that the }-ear before had been 
carried over by James Abernethy, merchant in 
Aberdeen, whom she had asked back, and Mr 
Abernethy agreed at three different times to deliver 
him back to her ; but he was resolute to go, and 
went accordingly. And being interrogated by the 
said Peter Williamson, whether or not the depon- 
ent was not always in use to ask leave of the keepers 
on board of the ship for the boys to come ashore 
any time when they lay at Tory, and such liberty 
was only obtained on the said Helen Law's obliging 
her to return them back on ship board ? depones, 
that she did ask leave of the keepers on board of 
the ship for some of the said boys to come ashore 
with her, which she accordingly obtained, and did 
become bound to return them back to the ship, and 
and on her verbal obligement or promise, she was 
allowed to bring some of them even over to the 
town of Aberdeen with her, and always returned 
them again on shipboard. Depones, that she knows 
nothing about their parents consenting to their in- 
dentures, as some might have had parents and some 
of them none, and severals of them were begging their 
bread through the town. But depones, that when 
any of their parents and relations claimed them, 
L 2 



138 

they were given them by the merchants on paying 
their charges. 

James Robertson, stabler in Aberdeen, depones, 
that about seventeen years past the month of May 
last, the deponent was employed by James Smith, 
saddler, as keeper of several young boys, the young- 
est of whom would have been about ten years of 
age, and some of them sixteen and upwards, who 
were indented, and their indentures attested by the 
Magistrates of Aberdeen, to be earned over to the 
plantations in America, along with other servants, 
both men and women of full age, also indented and 
attested by the Magistrates of Aberdeen, to be 
shipped on board a ship lying at the harbour of 
Aberdeen, then commanded by Captain Robert 
Ragg, ship-master in Aberdeen, and which ship 
was carried over to Tory, where she lay and re- 
ceived the said boys on board of her. The depon- 
ent was some time afterwards employed, by the 
said James Smith, to go over and stay on board the 
said ship, as a keeper of the said boys and other 
servants, to the best of his remembrance, for the 
space of twelve or fourteen days, till the ship sailed, 
and he went with them in said ship out of the har- 
bour, till the ship was in the road before Aberdeen, 
from whence ha returned back to the town of Aber- 
deen. Depones, that during the time that the said 
James Robertson was on ship-board as above, there 
was also another keeper, named Robert Adam, 
along with him, employed likewise to take care of 
the said boys and servants. Depones, that all the 
night they were confined, and put to their beds in 
the hold of the ship, but all day had liberty to go 
upon the deck, and even to play them ashore, their 
keepers always looking after them : and some of 
them allowed to go to Helen Law's house, to help 
her on board with victuals for themselves and others. 
Depones, that among the boys under the deponent's 
and the other keeper's care, there was a boy of 



133 

about fourteen years of age, who was called Peter 
M'William. Depones, that Peter Williamson, whom 
he sees presently before him, is the same person 
that was then named Peter M ; William, as he pre- 
sently apprehends, but will not swear positively 
that he is the same person ; for that Peter M'Wil- 
liam had black brows, and was pock-marked, and 
so is Peter Williamson whom he now sees ; but 
does not remember any boy then aboard called Pe- 
ter Williamson ; and that Peter M'William was a 
stout, clever, rough lowu, and very ill to guide. 

James Smith, saddler in Aberdeen, depones, that 
to the best of the deponent's memory, about nine- 
teen or twenty years ago, but cannot be absolutely 
positive about the precise time, he was employed 
by John Elphingston, merchant in Aberdeen, and 
Captain Robert Ragg. shipmaster in Aberdeen, and 
Mr Walter Cochran, town clerk depute of Aber- 
deen, in partnership with them, to make leather 
caps, aud pay for diet, and to pay tailors for cloth- 
ing furnished to several young boys and other ser- 
vants that had entered into indentures : attested 
before the Magistrates of Aberdeen, with the above- 
named Captain Robert Ragg, to be carried from 
Aberdeen to America, to be disposed of at Philadel- 
phia. Depones, that he accordingly furnished the 
said servants with leather caps, and paid for their 
clothing and diet, for all which he was afterwards 
repaid by the above gentleman. Depones, that 
among those servants that were so indented, there 
was one boy named Williamson, of about 12 years 
of age, and another boy of the same surname, of 
about 13 or 14 years of age, to the best of the de- 
ponent's knowledge and remembrance : but depones 
he does not know any of the said boys Christian 
names. Depones, that he has not in his custody 
any accounts or writings relative to the servants 
that were sent from Aberdeen to the plantations in 
the year 17-33: but depones, that the account 



130 

wards a sloop came down very soon, and carried 
them up to Philadelphia. 

From these vouchers it appears, that the trade of 
carrying ofi" boys to the plantations in America, and 
selling them there as slaves, was carried on at Aber- 
deen, as far down as the year 1744 with an amazinj; 
effrontery. It was not carried on in secret, or by 
stealth, but publicly, and by open violence. The 
whole neighbouring country were alarmed at it. 
They would not allow their children to go to Aber- 
deen for fear of being kidnapped. \Thezi they kept 
at home, emissaries were sent out by the merchants, 
who took them by violence from their parents, and 
carried them off. If a child was amissuig, it was 
immediately suspected that he was kidnapped by 
the Aberdeen merchants ; and upon inquiry, that 
was often found to be the case ; and so little pains 
were taken to conceal them, when in the possession 
of the merchants, that they were driven in flocks 
through the town, under the inspection of a keeper, 
who overawed them with a whip, like so many sheep 
carrying to the slaughter. Not only were these 
flocks of unhappy children locked up in barns, and 
places of private confinement, but even the tolbooth 
and public workhouses were made receptacles for 
them, and a town officer employed in keeping them. 
Parties of worthless fellows like press-gangs, were 
hired to patrol the streets, and seize by force such 
boys as seemed proper subjects for the slave trade. 
The practice was but too general. The names of 
no less than fifteen merchants, concerned in this 
trade, are mentioned in the proof : and when so 
many are singled out by the witnesses, it is hardly 
to be imagined it should be confined to these only, 
but that they must have omitted many, who were 
either principals or abettors and decoys in this in- 
famous traffic. Some of the witnesses depone, that 
it was the general opinion, that the Magistrates 
themselves had a hand in it. But what exceeds 



137 

every proof, and is equal to an acknowledgement, is, 
that from a book of accounts, recovered on leading 
the proof, recording the expences laid out on a car- 
go of these unfortunate objects, it appears, that no 
less than sixty-nine boys and girls were carried over 
to America along with me, all of whom suffered the 
same fate of being shipwrecked, and many of them, 
that of being sold as slaves. 

After such a demonstration of my veracity, and 
the maltreatment I had formerly suffered, the read- 
er, it is believed, cannot but reflect with some de- 
gree of indignation on the iniquitous sentence of the 
Magistrates of Aberdeen, and commiserate the dis- 
mal situation to which I was reduced in consequence 
of that tyrannical decision. Stript at once of my 
all, and of my only means of subsistence, branded 
With the character of a vagrant and impostor, and 
stigmatized as such in the Aberdeen Journal, ba- 
nished from the capital of the country wherein I 
was born, and left to the mercy of the wide world, 
loaded with all the infamy that malice could in vent. 
What a deplorable situation this ! I could not help 
considering myself in a more wTetched state, to be 
reduced to submit to such barbarities in a civilized 
country and the place of my nativity, than when a 
captive among the savage Indians, who boast not 
of humanity. 

Conscious of my own integrity, and fired with re- 
sentment at the indignities poured upon me by this 
arbitrary decree, I was, by the advice and assistance 
of some worthy friends, induced to raise a process of 
oppression and damages against these my judges, 
before the Court of Session, the supreme tribunal of 
justice. And as the Lord Ordinary was pleased to 
allow both parties a proof at large, "under the sanc- 
tion of his authority, I ventured to revisit the city 
from which I had been formerly banished, where, 
in spite of all the disadvantages with which power, 
wealth, and influence could overwhelm me, I was 



138 

enabled to lead such a proof, as convinced that most 
honourable and impartial Bench to which I now ap- 
pealed, that I had met with the highest injury and 
injustice, and induced them to decern a suitable re- 
dress. For the satisfaction of the reader, the sub- 
stance of this proof is subjoined, as before mention- 
ed. 

The following pages, when duly considered, will 
be obvious to the meanest capacity as the subject 
is intirely calculated to open the eyes of the delud- 
ed poor, many of whom have suffered tribulation 
for the loss of their children, whom the ties of na- 
ture bind every Christian parent to preserve and 
cherish as their own lives : For as it is absurd to 
imagine that any parent, though iu ever so necessi- 
tous a condition, would dispose of their own flesh 
and blood to strangers, who make a prey of inno- 
cent children, to accumulate their ill gotten wealth, 
and support their grandeur, by conveying the un- 
happy victims to the remotest parts of the globe, 
where they can have no redress for the injuries done 
them, these cautions are offered to prevent their fal- 
ling into the snare. 

Sensible I am, that what I have already said 
against my first persecutors, quadrates with the 
truth in every particular, and that many unfortun- 
ate persons have been involved in misery, and de- 
coyed into slavery and bondage as well as myself. 
Separated from their dearest relations, and obliged 
tamely to submit to the caprice and chastisement of 
arbitrary masters, who have less pity and compas- 
sion on them than on their beasts of burden.— Hard 
late to suffer all this ! Harder still to be prosecuted 
for telling the interesting tale ! I speak this by woe- 
ful experience, as well as from the knowledge of the 
hard fate of several young people, in the neighbour- 
hood of my nativity whether I had gone in quest of 
my relations. After so long an absence, my per- 
sonal appearance must no doubt recall to the me- 



130 

mory of my friends, the manner of my being car* 
ried off in my infancy, and they must receive me 
with wonder and amazement, whom they had for 
many years deemed for lost. The satisfaction my 
presence gave them, of which they had been so long 
deprived, it is not to be expressed ; and the comfort 
I enjoyed in the prospect of seeing my nearest rela- 
tions, was in some degree a solace for the miseries 
I had undergone. But, even in this, hard fortune 
pursued me still, and my troubles were not yet at 
an end. New enemies started up, who, as if the 
abettors of those who laid the snare for me when a 
child, now contrived a new species of captivity for 
me, when I was a man. They begrudged me my 
liberty, and the freedom I took to relate my misfor- 
tunes ; in order therefore to suppress a disagree- 
able truth, they again deprived me of it for a time : 
destroyed my means of subsistence, and loaded me 
with infamy and reproach ; from which, thanks to 
the justice of my cause and the integrity of my judg- 
es, I have at last been honourably delivered. Kid- 
napping, a species of trade followed by these mon- 
sters of impiety for the lust of gain, may be com- 
pared to the practices of the savages formerly men- 
tioned, who, to gratify their propensity to mischief, 
cut, mangle, burn, and destroy, all the innocent 
people they can catch. And surely the guilt of the 
kidnappers must be much greater than that of the 
savage race, who boast not of humanity. If the lat- 
ter commit such crimes, it is against those they im- 
agine to be their enemies, for the sake of plunder ; 
but the former are void of all excuse. What then 
can some of the worthy merchants of Aberdeen say 
for themselves. Prompted by avarice, and despis- 
ing the laws of God and all civilized nations, have 
they not been guilty of this attrocious crime ! And 
does not the blood of the innocent, several of whom 
have died under the hands of their cruel masters, 
cry against them for vengeance ? Certain it is that 

M 



138 

enabled to lead such a proof, as convinced that most 
honourable and impartial Bench to which I now ap- 
pealed, that I had met with the highest injury and 
injustice, and induced them to decern a suitable re- 
dress. For the satisfaction of the reader, the sub- 
stance of this proof is subjoined, as before mention- 
ed. 

The following pages, when duly considered, will 
be obvious to the meanest capacity as the subject 
is intirely calculated to open the eyes of the delud- 
ed poor, many of whom have suffered tribulation 
for the loss of their children, whom the ties of na- 
ture bind every Christian parent to preserve and 
cherish as their own lives : For as it is absurd to 
imagine that any parent, though iu ever so necessi- 
tous a condition, would dispose of their own flesh 
and blood to strangers, who make a prey of inno- 
cent children, to accumulate their ill gotten wealth, 
and support their grandeur, by conveying the un- 
happy victims to the remotest parts of the globe, 
where they can have no redress for the injuries done 
them, these cautions are offered to prevent their fal- 
ling into the snare. 

Sensible I am, that what I have already said 
against my first persecutors, quadrates with the 
truth in every particular, and that many unfortun- 
ate persons have been involved in misery, and de- 
coyed into slavery and bondage as well as myself. 
Separated from their dearest relations, and obliged 
tamely to submit to the caprice and chastisement of 
arbitrary masters, who have less pity and compas- 
sion on them than on their beasts of burden.— Hard 
late to suffer all this ! Harder still to be prosecuted 
for telling the interesting tale ! I speak this by woe- 
ful experience, as well as from the knowledge of the 
hard fate of several young people, in the neighbour- 
hood of my nativity whether I had gone in quest of 
my relations. After so long an absence, ray per- 
sonal appearance must no doubt recall to the me- 



1$9 

mory of my friends, the manner of my being ear* 
ried off in my infancy, and they must receive me 
with wonder and amazement, whom they had for 
many years deemed for lost. The satisfaction my 
presence gave them, of which they had been so long 
deprived, it is not to be expressed ; and the comfort 
I enjoyed in the prospect of seeing my nearest rela- 
tions, was in some degree a solace for the miseries 
I had undergone. But, even in this, hard fortune 
pursued me still, and my troubles were not yet at 
an end. New enemies started up, who, as if the 
abettors of those who laid the snare for me when a 
child, now contrived a new species of captivity for 
me, when I was a man. They begrudged me my 
liberty, and the freedom I took to relate my misfor- 
tunes ; in order therefore to suppress a disagree- 
able truth, they again deprived me of it for a time ; 
destroyed my means of subsistence, and loaded me 
with infamy and reproach ; from which, thanks to 
the justice of my cause and the integrity of my judg- 
es, I have at last been honourably delivered. Kid- 
napping, a species of trade followed by these mon- 
sters of impiety for the lust of gain, may be com- 
pared to the practices of the savages formerly men- 
tioned, who, to gratify their propensity to mischief, 
cut, mangle, burn, and destroy, all the innocent 
people they can catch. And surely the guilt of the 
kidnappers must be much greater than that of the 
savage race, who boast not of humanity. If the lat- 
ter commit such crimes, it is against those they im- 
agine to be their enemies, for the sake of plunder ; 
but the former are void of all excuse. What then 
can some of the worthy merchants of Aberdeen say 
for themselves. Prompted by avarice, and despis- 
ing the laws of God and all civilized nations, have 
they not been guilty of this attrocious crime ! And 
does not the blood of the innocent, several of whom 
have died under the hands of their cruel masters, 
cry against them for vengeance ? Certain it is that 

M 



140 

this excrable practice of kidnapping was put in exe- 
cution from the year 1740 and downwards, by sever- 
al merchants in that city, some of whom, for reasons 
too well known, have since deserted their country. 
I remember that much about that time, there were 
idle fellows employed by those traders, to cajole and 
decoy men, women, and children, to serve in the 
plantations in America. The poor deluded parents 
being ignorant of the nature of the traffic, and 
equally ignorant how or where to apply for redress, 
were obliged to rely on the fair promises of the mer- 
chants whose delusions proved fatal to many of the 
unhappy victims, who were even come of age, and 
much more so to infants from six to fourteen years, 
who were incapable to contract for themselves, and 
transported without the knowledge or consent of 
their parents. — These were left to lament the loss of 
their children : many of them without the consola- 
tion of knowing what had become of them, and who 
could only imagine that an untimely end had been 
their fate. Such, it is to be supposed, were the 
dreadful apprehensions that filled the eyes of my 
aged parent with tears, from whom I was thus se- 
parated in my nonage. What heart can be unmov- 
ed with pity at the relation of so dismal a tale ? 
"Who can think, without horror, on these monsters 
of impiety, who could make a traffic of their fellow 
creatures in a Christian country, almost as openly 
as is practised on the coast of Guinea? Quis talia 
fando temper it a lachrimis ? And here the following 
queries occur, which will tend to explain the mean- 
ing of kidnapping. 

I. Whether or not, when childreu are either car- 
ried off by force, or decoyed by fraud, without the 
consent, or without the knowledge, of their parents, 
in a state of infancy, or under the years of pupilari- 
t} r , and incapable of entering into an indenture, 
may not this "be called Kidnapping? 

II. Whether or not the shutting these children up 



i 



141 

in prison, or places of confinement, in order to make 
sure of them as a prey, and conceal them from their 
parents, is not contrary to law, and an attrocious' 
crime ? 

III. If these proceedings were agreeable to law, and 
the inclination of the persons so imprisoned, what oc- 
casion was there for confinement? When a person En- 
lists himself in any service as a volunteer, where is the 
necessity of putting him in prison? But, 

IV. If these proceedings were contrary to all laws 
human and divine, what punishment can be inflicted 
adequate to the crime? 

My betrayers well knew the impracticability of mak- 
ing children abide by any obligation, extorted from 
them, or any agreement to which they were decoyed ; 
and therefore they confined us in barns, on board 
ships, and other convenient places; and, to make our 
time pass away the more insensibly, and free of reflec- 
tion, they entertained us with music, cards, and other 
childish diversions, till such time as they had got their 
compliment, and the ship was ready to sail. 

Various were the arts and stratagems made use of to 
inveigle these'unhappy creatures. Some were ensnar- 
ed by receiving a trifle of money, and then told they 
were fairly inlisted. Others were tempted with the 
bait of great promises, being told that they were going 
to a country where they should live like gentlemen; 
that they should ride in their coaches, with several ne- 
groes to attend them ; that they should possess large 
plantations of their own, and soon be in a condition to 
come home and visit their friends with great pomp and 
grandeur. By these specious and artful insinuations, 
many unthinking giddy youths were seduced into sla- 
very, relying on promises which were meant only to 
insnare and not to enrich them. Some were carried 
off from their parents by violence, and whipt into the 
flock, like strayed sheep going to the shambles. All 
these methods, and many more, were practised in this 
execrable branch of traffic, of which the reader will 



142 

find a proof to his conviction, by perusing the deposi- 
tions formerly inserted. 

How far these specious promises were fulfilled, will 
appear from the treatment we met with when landed 
in America. On our arrival there, our merchant, or 
supercargo, who had the charge of us, took the earliest 
opportunity to dispose of us to the planters, some of 
whom will buy ten, others twenty, to labour in their 
plantations and cultivate their ground. Thus were we 
driven through the country like cattle to a Smithfield 
market, and exposed to sale in public fairs, as so many 
brute beasts. When thus maltreated by our country- 
men, what reason had we to expect better usage from 
our new masters, whose property we now were? Luc- 
kily for me I fell into the hands of one of my own 
countrymen who had undergone the same fate himself, 
and who used me in a more tender manner than many 
of my companions in slavery had to boast of. No 
thanks however to my Kidnappers; for if the devil 
had come in the shape of a man to purchase us, with 
money enough in his pocket, it would have been as 
readily accepted as of the honestest and most humane 
man in the world. Besides, these children are some- 
times sold to barbarous and cruel masters, from whence 
they often make an elopement, to avoid the harsh us- 
age they daily meet with ; but as there is scarce a pos- 
sibility of making a total escape, they are generally ta- 
ken and brought back, and for every day they have 
been absent, they are compelled to serve a week, for 
every week a month, and for every month a year; 
they are besides obliged to pay the cost of advertising, 
apprehending, and bringing them back ; which often 
protracts their slavery four or five years longer. But 
a more shocking case often occurs; some of these poor 
deluded slaves, after groaning for some time under the 
yoke of tyranny and oppression, with only a distant 
prospect of relief, in order to put an end to their bon- 
dage, put a period to their lives at the same time. 
What a dismal reflection this, to be the instrument of 



143 

driving an innocent helpless creature to despair, and 
ruining him both in soul anybody. 

The planters themselves are generally of an idle in- 
dolent disposition, not caring to fatigue themselves with 
work. As soon therefore as they can raise 201, or 301. 
they purchase servants from the European merchants, 
whom they make slaves, some for four or five, others 
for seven years. These they send to the woods, or 
employ in other kinds of hard labour, and oblige them 
to perform a certain task of work in a day ; in which if 
they fail, they are severely punished by their masters, 
who review their work at night. Nor dare the servant, 
when he is thus chastised, presume to vindicate him- 
self, for fear of giving a new offence to this unrelent- 
ing tyrant, whose humour must be indulged, even at 
the expense of strokes and blows. This is generally 
the case throughout the different Colonies in North 
America ; but more especially in Maryland and Vir- 
ginia. These two are* the best markets to which our 
European merchants can resort for the sale of their il- 
licit cargoes of slaves. Here they may barter them for 
tobacco, the staple commodity of these colonies, upon 
which they have an immense return of profit. 

The servants in Maryland are mostly convicts, who 
have been banished their native country for misde- 
meanors; yet some of them, when their period of sla* 
very is over, acquire plantations of their own, and are 
very expert in raising tobacco, and in the other bran- 
ches of trade in that country. They frequently con- 
tract with their correspondents in Europe, to send 
them over men, women, and children, to be employed 
in the culture of their plantations : But the fallacious 
promises of the undertakers here are so pernicious to 
those whom they engage, that they generally prove 
their destruction. By their manner of cajoling, they 
induce those ignorant creatures to believe-, that when 
they indent themselves for four or five years, to serve 
in the plantations, they are to have high wages, paid 
annually in their mother country ; but when these 
M 2 



144 

deluded persons come to make the experiment, they 
will find it quite the contrary. Be assured, you will 
meet with no such entertainment in any part of Ame- 
rica; for you must serve your indented time agreeable 
to the laws of the country, without one farthing of al- 
lowance, but at the discretion of your master ; and it 
is well if you are furnished with clothes sufficient to 
cover your nakedness. 

Besides, you who indent yourselves in this manner, 
labour under another disadvantage ; for, in that coun- 
try, they are of opinion (and a natural presumption it 
is), that when men and women, come to the age of 
maturity, wilfully and deliberately agree to transport 
themselves as slaves for any number of years, they 
must have been guilty of some notorious crime; those 
therefore, who come over in this manner, are looked up- 
on as in the black class of convicts, who for fear of a 
prosecution at home, take this step to prevent a disco- 
very of their vices. For some time, honest people, who 
had engaged to serve in that country, suffered consi- 
derably on this account, both in their characters and 
fortunes, as these renegadoes were allowed to be evi- 
dences against them, and to swear away their reputa- 
tions. But this has at last been debarred by the laws 
of the country, as none are allowed this privilege un- 
less they bring along with them a certificate, signed 
and attested by persons of character and repute, bear- 
ing that they were descended of honest parents, and 
that nothing criminal or dishonest can bi laid to their 
charge; this being approved of and recorded in the 
books of a Court of Justice, the person's oath is then 
deemed legal. 

From hence it appears, that numberless inconveni- 
encies and disadvantages attend the person who, 
though of an age capable to dispose of himself, by 
foolishly listening to the deceitful promises of these re- 
cruiters for slaves, at once stakes his happiness, his li- 
berty, and perhaps his life. You will perhaps be told, 
that you are going to a country flowing with milk and 



145 

honey. These, it is true, are to be had in great plenty 
in America; but before you come to enjoy them, you 
will find that you must wade through an ocean of la- 
bour and fatigue, and that out of the sweet cometh 
forth bitterness. Whereas, if you are possessed but of 
three or four pounds to pay your passage, and aie of 
an ingenious disposition, whether in mechanics, com- 
merce, agriculture, or manufactures, you are certain 
not only of handsome bread, but, by moderate frugali- 
ty and industry, of making a genteel fortune in a few 
years. 



A short History of the Process between Peter Wil- 
liamson and the Magistrates of Aberdeen. 

In the introduction to the former discourse of kid- 
napping, I fairly stated the case betwixt the Magi- 
strates of Aberdeen and me, without disguising the 
truth in any the most minute particular. I there- 
fore appeal to the unbiassed judgment of the candid 
reader, whether, after the unmerited maltreatment 
I suffered from the arbitrary proceedings of these 
magistrates, merely for relating a simple but dis- 
agreeable fact, I say, I submit it, whether I was not 
entitled to sue for redress before a higher tribunal. 
The motives or principles upon which they acted in 
the irregular prosecution against me, in which they 
were both my accusers and judges, I shall not pre- 
tend to determine ; but from the proof before in- 
serted, the reader will kardly be at a loss to form a 
conjecture. In order to ascertain the power of a 
magistracy, it is necessary to have recourse to the 
original institution of it. That liberty, which the 
constitution of this country considers as its favourite 
object, is the result of the equipoise which cur laws 



146 

have established between the authority of magistrate! 
and the rights of the people. As the relative duties 
of society must be enforced by the magistrate, and 
compliance with the law exacted from the citizens 
by means of his authority, all the power that is ne- 
cessary for these salutary purposes is vested in him ; 
and in the due execution of it he is not only entitled 
to the protection of the laws, but is an object of its 
veneration. Yet the same principles that have thus 
armed him with authority for the benefit of society, 
have wisely imposed upon him a restraint from 
abusing it. Sensible that authority improperly 
used may become the most dreadful instrument of 
oppression, the law has not only declared wilful 
malversation in office to be a crime, but to those 
who have suffered by the proceedings of magistrates, 
whether through inattention or ignorance (for igno- 
rance is never blameless in a magistrate), it has 
given an action of oppression and damages for re- 
paration of the injury the private party has suffered. 

In this light did I consider the harsh sentence of 
the Magistrates of Aberdeen against me, p. 109. 
Had they acted according to the established forms 
of all courts of justice, their proceedings would at 
least have had some colour of regularity, though 
their sentence would not have been less iniquitous. 

Why was not I complained of by a party having 
interest in the cause ? Why was not the complaint 
served upon me, and I appointed to give in answers ? 
Why were not the legal induci'Zj or days, allowed 
me to prepare for my defence ? All these forms 
were neglected or despised. The magistrates them- 
selves instigated the complaint ; they proceeded to . 
judge upon it without service : without allowing u§- 
ducice ; and without answers. It is evident, there- 
fore, they acted not as magistrates, but as private 
oppressors. 

Banished from the capital of the county wherein 
I was born, and strip t of my all, I now bethought 



147 

myself where or how to apply for redress. In this 
view I pursued my journey to Edinburgh ; but igno- 
rant of the law, and unacquainted with any of its 
members, equally destitute of money and friends, 
and labouring under the reflections which the ca- 
lumnious advertisement published by the magistrates 
threw on my character, I was utterly at a loss to 
whom, or in what manner, I should apply to for di- 
rection. From this dilemma, however, I was soon 
relieved by the assistance of kind Providence, who 
threw me in the way of a gentleman versant in the. 
law, a gentleman of knowledge, character, and in- 
tegrity, by whose advice I was conducted, and by 
whose interest I was supported from the infancy to 
the conclusion of my process. On a fair relation of 
my grievances, the injuries I suffered appeared to 
him so flagrant, that he did not hesitate a moment 
to declare his opinion that I was not only entitled 
to ample damages from my persecutors, but that 
the Court of Session would find no difficulty to 
award these, with full costs of suit. It is unneces- 
sary here to take up the reader's time in running 
over minutely the different steps of the process 
from the beginning ; suffice it to say, that a process 
of oppression and damages was commenced at my 
instance against the Magistrates of Aberdeen, where- 
in the Lord Ordinary allowed both parties a proof 
of the facts alleged on either side. And accord- 
ingly a proof was taken, partly at Edinburgh, and 
partly at Aberdeen, of which the reader has seen a 
specimen in the preceding pages. I shall only ob- 
serve here, that my personal presence being neces- 
sary on this occasion at the last mentioned place, 
I set out from Edinburgh for Aberdeen in Septem- 
ber 1760, and though Ihad not the least knowledge 
of, or connection with any single evidence I might 
bring, yet the trade of kidnapping was so flagrant 
in that country, and had left such an impression on 
the minds of the people, that I was under no diffi- 



148 

culty to bring a complete proof of the practiee, by 
a number of persons who n ad suffered by it, being 
deprived of their children. 

And here I cannot forbear doing justice to the 
conduct of the gentleman whom I named as com- 
missioner, to take the depositions of the witnesses 
on the part of my opponents. During the various 
steps of procedure in leading the proof, wherein I 
met with all the obstructions that the malice of my 
enemies could throw in my way, he acted a most 
candid and ingenious part. 

After a short dependence, the cause at last came 
to be advised in course before the Court of Session, 
by memorials on the proof; when, after hearing of 
parties at the bar at full length, their Lordships 
were pleased, on the 2d of February 1762, to pro- 
nounce the following interlocutor : — 

" The Lords having advised the state of the pro- 
cess, testimonies of the witnesses adduced, writs 
produced, with the memorials given in hinc inde, 
and having heard parties procurators thereon, find 
the libel relevant and proven ; and find the defend- 
ers, conjunct and severally, liable to the pursuer in 
damages, and modify the same to the sum of £100 
sterling, and decern ; and find the defenders also, 
conjunctly and severally, liable to the pursuer in 
the expenses of this process, and of the extract of 
the decreet, as the same shall be certified by the 
collector of the clerk's fees ; for which the Lords 
declare the defenders to be personally liable, and 
that the same shall be no burden upon the town of 
Aberdeen ; and ordain an account of the said ex- 
penses to be given in ; and ordain the account book 
mentioned in the state, and produced upon oath by 
Walter Cochran, and signed by the Lord President, 
of this date, to remain in the hands of the clerk of 
this process, till further order of the Court.*' 

Against this interlocutor the magistrates pre- 
sented a reclaiming petition, craving either to be 



149 

assoilzied from the process ; or, at least, that the 
damages awarded should be modified. To this pe- 
tition is subjoined the following curious letter : — 

Copy of a Letter from William Davidson and James 
Jopp, late Bailies of Aberdeen, to Walter Scott, 
Writer to the Signet, 

SIR, Aberdeen, February 4, 1764. 

We are very sorry to find by yours of 30th past, 
that there is a sentence pronounced against us in 
Williamson's process, whereby we are deemed to 
pay to him a very large sum out of our private 
pockets. 

We think it necessary to inform you, that our 
conduct and intentions, with regard to our sentence 
against him, have been entirely misunderstood. We 
can with the greatest integrity declare, that at the 
time of pronouncing this sentence, neither of us 
knew, directly or indirectly, that Walter Cochran, 
the depute clerk, was any ways concerned in trans- 
porting boys to America, or that there ever was in 
being the book he produced in the proof: that 
neither of us had never any interest or concern in 
such trade ; that we never knew, and did not believe, 
that any men and boys were ever transported from 
Aberdeen to America contrary to law : that we con- 
sidered the paragraph in Williamson's book respect- 
ing the merchants of Aberdeen to be a very calum- 
nious and reproachful aspersion on them, which 
they did not deserve : that Williamson himself had 
the appearance of being an idle stroller, and could 
give no good account of himself, and had procured 
this pamphlet to be composed for him, of such 
shocking circumstances, in-order the more easily to 
impose upon, and draw money from the credulous 
vulgar: and, upon the whole, w r e had no motive of 
interest, either on our own account, or any person 
whatever, or any prejudice against Williamson 






150 



(having never before seen or heard of him), to in- 
duce us to pronounce the sentence against him : that 
we did it purely, as what we judged material justice 
to vindicate the character of those we believed to be 
innocent, and were unjustly reflected upon : and 
whatever in the sentence appears to their Lordships 
to be either oppressive or illegal, proceeded entirely 
from error in judgment, and not from any sinister 
design ; so that however far the sentence has been 
wrong, we are ready most freely to make any decla- 
ration that may be necessary, that it proceeded from 
the most innocent intention. 

Under these circumstances, you will easily per- 
ceive how much we were surprised on reading yours, 
giving account of the sentence against us ; and how 
hard a thing it is to be decerned to pay a sum of 
money, as a fine, for doing what we considered to 
be our duty. 

You will therefore lay this before the lawyers, in 
order they may the better form a reclaiming peti- 
tion. We must think our case very hard, if their 
Lordships do uot grant us redress in this matter. 
We are, &c. 

W. DAVIDSON- 
JAMES JOPP. 



151 

This letter, however, did not avail their cause. 
It was in vain to deny their being in the knowledge 
that such an illicit species of traffic was carried on 
l)y some of the merchants in Aberdeen, when it is 
done in so public a manner, that the meanest resi- 
denter in the city observed it ; when thefama clamo- 
sa of Kidnapping overspread the whole country, so 
that the poor people, whose business led them fre- 
quently to town, were afraid to carry their children 
along with them, lest they should be picked up, and 
transported to the Plantations. In the end, they 
insinuate that their sentence against me proceeded 
from an error in judgment, and not from any sinis- 
ter design ; and that they were willing to make any 
declaration necessary, to evince the innocence of 
their intentions. But if a sentence calculated for 
the suppression of truth, and to prevent the detec- 
tion of a commerce the most illegal and most de- 
structive of society, can be said to proceed from no 
sinister design, then every sentence that has a ten- 
dency to screen the guilty, and encourage those mon- 
sters who make a traffic of the persons and liberties 
of their fellow creatures, must be accounted inno- 
cent. The whole of the procedure of the M agistrates 
against me appears to have been directed to this 
single end. From this view, they first caused the 
whole impression of my book to be seized, and those 
offensive tell truth leaves to be burnt that they might 
not revive the memory of this villainous trade, and rise 
in judgment against their brother merchants. Second, 
in order to make the surer work of it, they extorted 
from me the declaration inserted, p. 109 under the 
terror of imprisonment ; and caused publish the 
same in the newspapers, in order to stigmatize my 
character, and brand me with the infamy of being 
an imposter and a liar. And, lastly, they banished 
me the city, lest I should retract my declaration, 
and have an opportunity to spread the truth of my 
former assertions. Their schemes, however, had an 

N 



152 

effect the very reverse of what they intended. Iu- 
stead of suppressing the truth, their proceedings 
have proved the means of bringing it to light, and 
confirming it by indubitable evidence ; and so open- 
ing a scene of the grossest impiety, barbarity, and 
wickedness. 

To the above reclaiming petition, answers were 
given in on my part ; and the Lords, after re-con - 
sideling the merits of the cause, were pleased to ad- 
here to their former interlocutor. Thus ended this 
process of oppression, carried on by a poor man, 
against the Magistracy of one of the most opulent 
and most respectable "boroughs in Scotland. 

It is the peculiar happiness of this land of liberty 
to be blessed with a Supreme Court, wherein is jus- 
tice dispensed with an equal hand to the poor and 
rich ; wherein the cause of the King and the Beg- 
gar is weighed in the balance of equity and law, and 
decided in favour of him whose scale preponderates. 
Happy is that nation whose judges are men of inte- 
grity, uninfluenced by power, unbiased by party. 
and untainted by corruption ! Such become the 
Guardians of the liberties and properties of the peo- 
ple, the protectors of the innocent, the scourges of 
the guilty, the supporters of the weak, and the ter- 
rors of the tyrant and oppressor. Such are the 
members of that honourable tribunal to which I ap- 
pealed my cause, who redressed my grievances, and 
allowed me such compensation for tfeose acts of vio- 
lence and oppression which I had suffered from the 
tyrannical prosecutors, as they in their wisdom, 
thought just and equitable. Nor must I omit to 
pay a tribute of gratitude to those worthy and learn- 
ed Gentlemen who appeared in my cause at the bar, 
and who nobly exerted themselves in opening np 
and displaying that scene of oppression and lawless 
persecution wherewith I had been harassed, and that 
without any prospect of fee or reward. In particu- 
lar I must acknowledge my obligations to that learn- 



153 

eel Lawyer, who was assigned ine as Counsel by 
their Lordships, when my circumstances could riot 
afford the price of a consultation, fie generously 
embarked in my cause, and force nent, law, 

and eloquence, exposed the injustice done me, and 
the weakness of my opponents' reasonings, in such 
a light, that my plea became as clear as noon-day, 
and obvious to the meanest capacity. 

I shall trouble the reader no further on this sub- 
ject, my chief intent in publishing this narrative of 
my Process being to warn the Gentlemen in power 
and station, not to abuse them by a lawless exercise 
of their authority against the poor and innocent ; 
for they may be assured, that power will not sanctify 
oppression, nor will justice be hood-winked by rich- 
es. On the other hand, the weak and friendless 
need not despair of obtaining redress, though groan- 
ing under the yoke of tyranny : let them have but 
the resolution to apply to the College of Justice ; 
Providence will throw friends in their way, their 
oppressors shall hide their heads, and the cruelties 
they have committed be retaliated upon them. 



151 

A PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION OF 

THE INDIAN TOMAHAWK. 



The hatchet or axe which the Indians call a To- 
mahawk, is used by them in many different em- 
ployments. This instrument, in its present form, 
is said to have been the invention of great William 
Penn, first proprietor of Pennsylvania. The tools 
used by the Indiams, when he came anions them, 
were made of stone, which were of little use in cut- 
ting wood. He procured a tomahawk and scalping 
knife, and employed European smiths to make such 
after the Indian pattern, which was accordingly 
done. The tomahawk was made like a plasterer's 
hammer, with a whistle in the handle, to give an 
alarm in case of danger ; by this and such like in- 
ventions, the name of Penn became famous among 
them. The Indians he found much addicted to 
smoking tobacco ; but for want of a better method, 
they smoked through leaves twisted up into a kind 
of pipe. Seeing this, he distributed several gross of 
English tobacco pipes among them, which pleased 
them for the instant ; but unused to such brittle 
ware, the pipes would not stand their rough usage, 
hut quickly broke, which lost Penn bis credit among 
them, as they concluded themselves defrauded, since 
pipes so easily broke they esteemed of no service. 
Father Penn, as they called him, was hereupon 
obliged to restore the Indian goods he had received 
in exchange for the pipes; and was glad to make 
speedy restitution to prevent bad consequences. 
He then caused the tomahawk to be made to hold 
tobacco in the head of it, with a hole drilled through 



1 55 

the handle of it to smoke by ; an instrument of such 
beneficial service entirely regained him the confi- 
dence of the Indians, and was much more prized 
than the former, with the whistle at the end. It is 
now hecome useful in many branches of their busi- 
ness. In time of war they carry it with them under 
their belts, and when victory inclines to their side, 
after firing their guns, they rush upon their enemies 
with it, fracturing and cleaving their skulls ; very 
seldom failing killing with the first blow. They are 
also very dexterous in throwing it, and will strike an 
object at fifty yards distance. They also employ it in 
cutting wood,andin barking trees, at the season when 
they make their canoes. On the handle of ihe to- 
mahawk they record the occurrences of war. When 
the warriors are sent to fight, they cut as many 
notches on the handle of the hatchet to know their 
number by. Their wounded are also marked down, 
with the number of prisoners they take from the 
enemy, each in a different manner ; so that, at the 
close, they are enabled to form an estimate of the 
success of every expedition. Their tomahawk is 
also the register of their time : the returns of the 
moon and remarkable events are therein distin- 
guished, as will appear upon conversing with any of 
their wise men, who will account for themselves for 
6000 moons past. 



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